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PRINCETON, N. J. 


Presented by Mrs. Sanford H. Smith. 


RUDY 6215 OB 762.3 aie | 
Brougham and Vaux, Henry 
Brougham, 1778-1868. | 
The life and times of Henry!| 
Lord Brougham | 











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THE LIFE AND TIMES 


OF 


a iW 
HENRY LORD BROUGHAM, 


* 
WRITTEN BY. HIMSELF. 


IN THREE. VOLUMES. 


VOL. II. 





NEW. YORK: . 
HARPER & BROTHERS, PUBLISHERS, 
FRANKLIN SQUARE. 


BS7.1; 


TO: THE READER. 
. 


THE following instructions were given by Lord Brougham 


to me, as his executor: 


“Before the Autobiography ean be published, you must 
see that it is arranged chronologically. 

“Tf (writing from memory) I- have made mistakes in 
dates, or in proper names, let such be corrected; but the 
Narrative is to be printed AST HAVE WRITTEN IT. 

“T alone am answerable for all its statements, faults, 
and omissions. I will have no Editor employed to alter, 
or rewrite, what I desire shall be published as HXCLU- 
SIVELY MY OWN. 


“‘Broucuam, November, 1867.” 


In publishing Lord Brougham’s Autobiography, the 
above explicit directions have been scrupulously obeyed. 


BROUGHAM & VAUX. 


Broveusm, January, 1871. 


MR Wee 


CONTENTS OF VOL. IL. 


CHAPTER X. 
THE ORDERS IN COUNCIL. * 


Contest with the ‘‘ Orders in Council.”—Their Origin. —The Berlin and Mi- 
lan Decrees.—The Policy of Retaliation adopted in the Orders.—Prepa- 
rations for attacking them.—Correspondence with Mercantile Men.—Mo- 
tion for Select Committee.—James Stephen.—Alexander Baring.—Perce- 
yval.—Incidents of his Assassination.—lIts political Effects. —Recall of the 
Orders.—State of Parties —Ward (Lord Dudley) and his Followers.— 
Instances of the Popularity of the Recall.—Question of Testimonials for 
Public Services. — American Declaration of War. — Wilberforce writes 
about his Retirement from the Representation of Yorkshire.—An Opening 
in Liverpool. — Account of Unsuccessful Contest there. — Returned for 
Winchelsea ..........s000. Beata canna: saconoeers st eeneite wesestenPereonrenine ck age 7 


CHAPTER XI. 
HOME AND FOREIGN POLITICS. 


Correspondence on Foreign Relations. —America and Spain.—Trial of the 
Tiunts.—The Luddites.—Trial at York.—An Accident.—The Peninsular 
War.—The Great Battles on the Elbe. —Home Politics. —Impressment.— 
The Continent.—Bernadotte’s Designs. —Holland.— Hogendorp.— Ma- 
dame de Staél.—Lady Holland.—The Allied Armies across the Rhine.— 
Home Politics.—Lord Cochrane, Burdett, and Dog Dent.—Perry of the 
‘* Morning Chronicle.’”—The Continent.—Occupation of Paris by the Al- 
lies. Congress of Vienna.—Napoleon.—The French, and their Oblivion 
of him.—Possible Fate of his Successor. —Visit to Paris. —Travelling com- 
pared with later Visits to Cannes.—Wellington.—The Institute.—La 
Place.—A Conference with Carnot.—Anecdotes of the Revolution and 
PHO VEIUPITC) ccs ccset se sscedstsercassc, eae Nuscsesucdcalec eOrecaksdetsomsclececteces es eae OD 


CHAPTER XII. 


THE PRINCE AND PRINCESS OF WALES. 


The Prince of Wales and his Circle at Carlton House.—The Princess Caro- 


line.—Her Circle.—The Delicate Investigation. —The Quarrel.— Corre- 
spondence.—The young Princess Charlotte.—Lady Charlotte Lindsay.— 


4 CONTENTS. 


The Prince’s Severance from his political Friends. —Whitbread.—Mr, 
Brougham as Adviser of the Princess of Wales and her Daughter.—King 
George III.—His Letter to the Prince on the Situation.—Letter of Re- 
monstrance by the Princess to the Prince.—Account of its Preparation. — 
Deliberations. —Its Delivery and Reception.—Madame de Staél...Page 106 


CHAPTER XIII. 
THE PRINCESS OF WALES AND THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE, 


The Princess Charlotte and Court Politics, continued.—Statement on the 
whole ‘‘ Situation” to Lord Grey.—His Views in answer.—Question of 
the Heiress to the Throne living abroad.—Precedent in the Daughters of 
James II.—The Princess. —Lady Charlotte Lindsay. —Miss Mercer (Lady 

® Keith) and Miss Knight.—The Prince of Orange.—Reyelations of the Do- 
mestic Affairs of the Regent, and their Effect on the Country.—The As- 
sembly of the Foreign Magnates in London.—The Prince Regent's Demand 
that the Princess should be excluded from the Queen’s Drawing-room.— 
Correspondence on the Affair.—How affected by the Assembly of the For- 
eign Princes in London.—Flight of the Princess Charlotte to her Mother. 
m= NEMGONSCUUCH CC acc cosatvcgesseCoereccadtem esas scteesanmepidess daedeesmiacrs mL ta 


CHAPTER XIV. 
THE PRINCESS OF WALES AND THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE—continued. 


The Princess Charlotte. —Her Character, Capacity, and Pursuits. — Anecdotes, 
—Queen Charlotte and the Princess Caroline. —The Question of the Prin- 
cess Caroline going abroad.—Imprudence of the Step.—Letter of Remon- 
strance against it.—Reception of the Remonstrance.—Carlton House Poli- 
tics. —Correspondence with Lord Grey.—Constitutional Position of a Queen- 
consort. —Jury Trial in Scotland.—The Prince and Government.—Pat- 
ronage at the Scotch Bar.—The Princess Charlotte and her Household.— 
Departure of the Princess Caroline. —The Press on her Affairs. —Policy of 
thet INN CSS 4m waaceteosorenaeVecettes ees iceaeasvesceaveds ddancescesscenssccmeeemlcns 








CHAPTER XV. 


The Income-tax.—State of France after the War.—Necessity for Retrench- 
ment at Home.—Struggle against the Income-tax.—The Victory.—Policy 
of Debates on Petitions. —Court Politics.—Marriage of the Princess Char- 
lotte.—Lord Lansdowne.—Motion for Address on the State of the Na- 
tion.—Ill Health.—Dr. Baillie.—Instances of his Sagacity. —Relaxation 
abroad,—Geneva and Paris. —Election of Chamber of Deputies. —Govern- 
ment and Parties in France.—The Chances of the Bourbons.—Count Fla- 
hault.—Madame de Staél.—The Sufferers from Political Prosecutions. — 
Death of the Princess Charlotte.—The Succession to the Throne.—Death 
of Romilly.—Death of Queen Charlotte.—Sir Philip Francis.—Burdett.— 
Romilly.—Political disturbances.—The ‘‘ Peterloo Massacre.” —Designs of 
the Government.—The Duke of Wellington...........cccccssscsscescseeceee 227 


CONTENTS. 5 


CHAPTER XVI. 


Approach of the Epoch of the Trial of Queen Caroline.—Retrospect.—Whit- 
bread’s Services. —Pernicious Counter-advice.—The Milan Commission, — 
Visit to her at St. Omer.—Notes of Conference with the Queen and Lord 
Hutchinson. —Fruitless Advice and Warnings.—Her Determination to re- 
turn.—Arrival in London.—The Green Bag.—Political Source of ‘‘ the 
Bill of Pains and Penalties.”—Negotiations for an Arrangement between 
the King and the Queen.—The Conference.—The Difficulty with the Se- 
cret Advisers. —The Message to the Commons.—The Preparations for the 
Contest. —Opinion on the whole Case.—Aware of Indiscretions, but Dis- 
belief in the Accusations. —The Witnesses.—Adjournment....... Page 269 


CHAPTER XVII. 


The Northern Circuit.—Resumption of the great Cause.—Italian Witnesses. 
—tThe Tactics of the Defense.—The Peroration.—The Bill abandoned.— 
Intended Policy in the Commons if it had passed the Lords.—The popu- 
lar Feeling.—The Troops.—Revelation of the Purpose of the Threat in the 
opening of the Defense. —The legal Consequences of the Fitzherbert 
Marriage.—Evidence of the Ceremony.—Feeling of the King on the Loss 
of the Bill—Eldon and Leach.—The political Effect.—The Queen’s Posi- 
tion. —The Coronation.— Advice to the Queen not to attend.—Her Death. 
—Personal Anecdotes and Characteristics of Queen Caroltine.—The Dis- 
turbances at the Funeral.—Prosecution of a Clergyman for preaching a 
Libel on the Queen...........000..se0re Sor BEC OLSCRSDEE LIAS SEOCROSACEOGADOACOLR Lae: 


CHAPTER XVIII. 


Political Influence of the Proceedings against the Queen.—Catholic Emanci- 
pation.—Another Contest for Westmorland.—State of Parties. —Ministe- 
rial Difficulties. —Question of the Whigs coming in.—Earl Grey’s Views. 
—The Duke of Sussex.—Frospect of a Canning Administration.—His Po- 
sition with the Prince and Lord Eldon.—Personal Matters.—Reasons for 
demanding a Patent of Precedence.—State of Spain. —Commercial Crisis 
of 1825.—Lord Howick.—Joseph Hume.—Canning’s Ministry. —Specula- 
tions on a Coalition.—Tender of Office. —Sydney Smith.—Death of Can- 
ning, and Accession of Goderich.—The Wellington Ministry.—Opening 
of University College.—Ireland and the Catholic Question. —Duel between 
Sir Alexander Boswell and Mr. Stewart..........scccoscrssscovsseccresssves “OOL 


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THE LIFE AND TIMES 


OF 


HENRY, LORD BROUGHAMN. 


CHAPTER X. 
THE ORDERS IN COUNCIL. 


Contest with the ‘‘ Orders in Council.”—Their Origin. —The Berlin and Mi- 
lan Decrees. —The Policy of Retaliation adopted in the Orders. —Prepa- 
rations for attacking them:—Correspondence with Mercantile Men.—Mo- 
tion for Select Committee.—James Stephen.—Alexander Baring.—Perce- 
yval.—Incidents of his Assassination.—Its political Effects.—Recall of the 
Orders.—State of Partiess—Ward (Lord Dudley) and his Followers.— 
Instances of the Popularity of the Recall.—Question of Testimonials for 
Public Services. — American Declaration of War. — Wilberforce writes 
about his Retirement from the Representation of Yorkshire-—An Opening 
in Liverpool. — Account of Unsuccessful Contest there. — Returned for 
Winchelsea. 


Tur repeal of the Orders in Council was my greatest 
achievement. It was second to none of the many efforts 
made by me, and not altogether without success, to amelio- 
rate the condition of my fellow-men. In these I had the 
sympathy and aid of others, but in the battle against the Or- 
ders in Council I fought alone. 

In the beginning of the struggle, when in 1808 I contended 
before the House of Lords and House of Commons on behalf 
of the traders and manufacturers of Liverpool, Birmingham, _ 
London, and Manchester, I had to confront the opposition 
not only of the Tory Government,* but of the Whig ministers 
of 1806 and 1807, who had issued the first Order, afterwards 


* See Speeches of Henry, Lord Brougham, i., 293 et seg. 


8 CONTEST AGAINST [1808, 


greatly extended in impolicy and injustice by the Orders of 
their Tory successors. 

I do not deny that between the beginning of the contest 
in 1808 and the victory I gained in 1812, the Whigs, perhaps 
convinced by the evidence I produced in Parliament, perhaps 
acting upon their natural tendency to oppose the measures 
of their Tory successors (albeit the Orders issued by them 
were in reality identical with their own of January, 1807), 
did afford me most valuable assistance. By their help, and 
by the great assistance I received from others, especially 
from Alexander Baring, I was enabled to prevail, and to 
achieve what.I have always looked upon as the greatest suc- 
cess it was ever my fate to win. I shall not say a word 
upon what I have done for education, slavery, charitable 
trusts, or law reform, for all I did in such matters has been 
long before the public, is well known by my speeches in Par- 
liament, by my writings, and by the fact that many of the 
measures which I so strenuously advocated have loug since 
been adopted by the Legislature. I’ may, however, be par- 
doned for referring, with some pride, to the acknowledgment - 
of my services, declared by the express order of her Majesty 
to Lord Palmerston upon the occasion of the peerage granted 
to me in 1860.* 

I now proceed to the subject of the Orders in Council, 
and the circumstances of their repeal. 

When Napoleon was satisfied that any attempt to subdue 
Great Britain by force of arms must prove ineffectual, and 
when he had, in consequence of this conviction, given up the 
project of invasion which at one time he had unquestionably 
entertained, he directed all his energies to the discovery of 
some scheme that might, by injuring our trade, cripple our 
resources and lessen our wealth, and thereby weaken our 
authority on the Continent. 

There can be no doubt that he borrowed his idea from the 








* The words I refer to are as follows: ‘‘In consideration of the eminent 
public services of our right trusty and well-beloved Councillor, Henry Baron 
Brougham and Vaux, more especially in the diffusion of knowledge, the 
spread of education, and the abolition of the slave-trade and slavery, of our 
especial grant, certain knowledge, and mere motion, have advanced, prefer- 
red, and created him,” ete, 


ZT. 80. | THE ORDERS IN COUNCIL. 9 


measures formerly adopted by the Directory,* in accordance 
with which he issued from Berlin, in 1806, an interdict which 
declared the islands of Great Britain in a state of blockade, 
all British subjects, wherever found, prisoners of war, and all 
British goods, wherever taken, lawful prize.t It further ex- 
cluded from all the ports in France every vessel which had 
touched at any British port, no matter to what nation such 
vessel might belong. 

The parts of this decree which most affected ea in- 
terests were, the seizure of all British produce, no matter 
where found, and the exclusion from French ports of all 
vessels that had touched at any port of Great Britain. 

If England had been content to remain quiet, and had left 
France and the neutral states to fight it out, it is extremely 
probable that our trade would in the long run have gained 
rather than lost—at least, as long as we could furnish goods 
to meet the demand; which demand would have been met 
either by help of smuggling or by other contrivances. 

Unfortunately, our rulers, taking a different view, deter- 
mined to fight Napoleon with his own weapons, and to adopt 
measures of retaliation. 

A more unsound—a more fatal policy never was con- 
ceived. The Whigs were in oflice at the date of the Berlin 
Decree; and that Government, instead of waiting to see how 
the neutral powers, especially America, would act — instead 
of giving time for deliberation, or even submitting the ques- 
tion to the opinion of Parliament—took a course little likely 
to injure France, but fraught with certain and absolute de- 
struction to ourselves. 

The Whig Order was issued at the beginning of January, 
1807; it declared that England was authorized by the Berlin 
Decree to blockade the whole seaboard of France; to pro- 
hibit all vessels which had touched at any French port from 
entering our ports; and that if we pleased to exercise the 
power, we should be justified in seizing the cargoes. Such a 
wanton outrage against the rights of neutrals never before 
was perpetrated. No doubt France had by the Berlin De- 








* In the decrees of July, 1796, and January, 1798. 
+ This was the famous ‘‘ Berlin Decree,” dated the 20th November, 1806. 
A2 


10 CONTEST AGAINST [1808. 


cree grossly violated neutral rights, but that was no justifi- 
cation of the course taken by England. 

Before the close of 1807, the Whigs were succeeded by a 
Tory Government, which about the end of that year issued 
other Orders in Council, every whit as objectionable as the 
Whig Order of January. Unquestionably the Americans 
considered the Whig Order identical in principle with Mr. 
Perceval’s. When, in 1808, I appeared at the bar of the 
House of Commons as counsel for the manufacturers and 
traders of England against these Orders, I made no distinc- 
tion between the Whig and the Tory Order. I condemned 
both as being identical in principle, equally impolitic, and 
equally destructive of English commerce. 

I am bound to say that when, four years after, I fought the 
great battle in Parliament, I was greatly assisted by the Whig 
party, who had by that time become abundantly hostile to 
that system of injustice and impolicy which, founded by 
themselves, had been, as I have already said, greatly extended 
by their Tory rivals. 

I have called the Orders which followed the Whig Order 
of January, 1807, Perceval’s, but in truth James Stephen was 
their author. 

He was a man of very considerable powers, combined with 
great firmness of purpose and unquenchable ardor. Strong 
in body as well as mind, he was capable of undergoing any 
amount of labor; and, wedded to his own opinion, he re- 
sisted all attacks with a firmness that amounted to obstinacy. 

The best part of his life had been passed in the West In- 
dies, where he practised at the bar; on his return to En- 
gland, he came into Parliament under the auspices of his great 
friend Perceval ; for Stephen was a member of the Evangel- 
ical party, to which Perceval had a strong leaning, although 
he did not actually belong toit. Asa speaker he certainly had 
considerable success; but yet neither as a debater nor as a 
speaker could he be classed as of a high order. He had not 
the correct taste which is acquired by the habit of frequent- 
ing réfined society, and the practice of addressing a fastidious 
audience. , 

He held upon political subjects very decided opinions, and 
at all times was ready to assert them with the most determined 


&T. 30.] THE ORDERS IN COUNCIL. 11 


and uncompromising spirit. He was strong upon the slave 
question, and felt this as above all others sacred, not only 
from his strong religious feelings, but from his near connec- 
tion with Wilberforce, whose sister he had married; and 
upon this subject he published many valuable works.* 

That the enthusiasm of his nature warped his better judg- 
ment, is shown by a remarkable pamphlet he published early 
in 1807, “ On the Dangers of the Country,” in which he actu- 
ally argues, that all the misfortunes inflicted upon Europe by 
the wars with France were a punishment inflicted by Provi- 
dence, because England had more than once rejected the meas- 
ure for the abolition of slavery !—a somewhat unfair appre- 
ciation of the justice of Providence, seeing that so many of 
the Continental countries which had suffered most from Na- 
poleon, possessed neither colonies nor slave-trading vessels, 
and were therefore guiltless of all slave traffic. 

It can be readily understood that this insane theory en- 
gendered in Stephen such a hatred of Napoleon, that he di- 
rected the whole force of his mind to devise some means of 
counteracting his attempts to injure the commerce of this 
country. Highly applauding the Whig Order of January, 
1807, as soon as his friend Mr. Perceval became minister, he 
readily obtained his assent to a still more complete system of 
retaliation. With this view he framed the famous Order of 
November, 1807, which brought our mercantile conflict, not 
with France only, but unhappily with America, to a crisis. 
He preluded his Order by a tract deservedly celebrated and 
most justly admired, entitled “War in Disguise, or the 


* Among these were the ‘‘ Crisis of the Sugar Colonies,” the ‘‘ Life of 
Toussaint L’Ouverture,” the ‘‘ Opportunity,” ‘‘The Slavery of the British 
West India Colonies, delineated as it exists both in Law and Practice, and 
compared with the Slavery of other Countries, ancient and modern ;” ‘* En- 
gland Enslaved by her own Slave Colonies.” In reference to Stephen and 
the Orders in Council, see in Lord Brougham’s ‘‘ Contributions to the Edin- 
burgh Review,” ii., 81, the article ‘‘On Foreign Affairs,” reviewing, among 
other pieces, ‘*‘The Speech of James Stephen, Esq., in the Debate in the 
House of Commons, March 6, 1809, on Mr. Whitbread’s Motion relative to 
the late Overture of the American Government, with supplementary remarks 
on the recent Orders in Council.” Stephen died in 1832. His son, Sir 
James, long Under-Secrefary for the Colonies, was an author, and a con- 
tributor to the ‘‘ Edinburgh Review.” 


12 CONTEST AGAINST [1812. 


Frauds of the Neutral Flags.” It is impossible to speak too 
highly of this work, or to deny its signal success in making 
the nation for a time thoroughly believe in the justice and 
efficacy of his Orders in Council. This is not the time or 
place to discuss the merits or defects of this tract of Stephen’s, 
or to refute the arguments or expose the fallacies of the scheme | 
that was supposed to be all-powerful in defeating not only 
the Berlin but the Milan Decree of Napoleon ;* suffice it to 
say that the Orders, coupled with the system of licenses issued 
to permit certain vessels to pass, notwithstanding the Orders 
in Council, followed by the American Embargo and Non-im- 
portation Acts, which produced a suspension of all commerce 
with the United States, brought destruction upon British com- 
merce, and caused the manufacturers of London, Hull, Man- 
chester, and Liverpool to deluge Parliament with petitions 
against the policy of the Orders, and to tender evidence to 
prove the great injuries inflicted. 

As counsel for the merchants, manufacturers, and traders, 
I was heard at the bar of both Houses, and produced an over- 
whelming body of evidence in support of the petitions. This 
began in the spring of 1808, but all attempts to move the min- 
isters proved unavailing ; and it was not till four years after 
that there appeared any hope of a more favorable result. 

Throughout all the early part of 1812, I had been in con- 
stant correspondence with leading men in the manufacturing 
districts, not only on the state of trade and the distresses, but 
on the not ill-grounded apprehensions of a war with America, 
and the fears lest these combined evils might lead to acts of 
violence from those who considered the distress they were 
suffering from altogether due to the mischievous policy of the 
Government. 

The following letter, which I wrote to one of the leading 
manufacturers, will more fully explain this state of things, 
and my opinion: 


TO J. WALKER, ESQ. 


** London, March 6, 1812. 
Tam firmly persuaded that nothing is wanted to ob- 





“Sir, 


* This decree was issued at Milan on the 17th’ December, 1807, and was 
intended to enforce more rigorously the Berlin Decree. 


AT, 34.] THE ORDERS IN COUNCIL. 13 


tain such a change of measures as will relieve the présent un- 
exampled distresses of the manufacturing counties, but a 
firm and united representation of those distresses to Parlia- 
ment, in temperate language and accompanied with peaceable 
conduct. By pursuing this course, I am very sanguine in the 
_expectation that one of the greatest, if not the very greatest, 
evil which can visit this country, a war with America, may 
be fortunately prevented. Should the present system be per- 
sisted in, I much fear that misfortune is at no great distance, 
and, when it arrives, no one can doubt how great an addition 
to our sufferings it will bring with it. There appears to me 
to be no other mode of proceeding, in order to resist the pres- 
ent ruinous system, than the one I have taken the liberty of 
recommending. It would be vain to expect any relief from 
applications to the prince regent, while his royal highness 
continues to give his confidence to those men whose measures, 
so obstinately persisted in, have brought the trade of the coun- 
try into its present state, and who, resolved upon pursuing 
the same fatal policy, wholly regardless of its consequences, 
appear to have made up their minds to an American war, as 
no extravagant price to pay for their favorite system. The 
approaches to the throne, too, are now beset with unusual dif- 
ficulties, since his royal highness has unhappily listened to 
those who advise him against being freely seen by his people; 
and, acting under the influence of such counsels, it should 
seem that the prince is no longer so accessible to the dis- 
tresses and complaints of his subjects as his own gracious in- 
clinations might dispose him to be. On the other hand, it 
would be most calamitous if the people were to suffer those 
distresses to mislead them into any acts of violence—calami- 
tous in every view, but, above all, for this reason, that the in- 
evitable consequence of such illegal conduct must be the giv- 
ing to the executive Government that accession of support 
which alone is wanting to enable the ministers to complete 
the mischief their measures have been working, and hurry us 
into a rupture with our best customers and most natural allies, 
the free and English people of America. While, therefore, I 
dissuade you from any further attempts to seek redress at the 
foot of the throne as unavailing under the present circum- 
stances, and while I most earnestly deprecate all proceedings 


14 CONTEST AGAINST [1812. 


that may either in themselves or in their consequences inter- 
fere with the public tranquillity, I would urge you with the 
same anxiety to come before Parliament; and I conceive that 
the earlier you do so, and with the greater unanimity, and the 
more extensive co-operation from other counties in similar 
circumstances, the better your chance will be, both of prevent-, 
ing the apprehended hostilities abroad, and of maintaining 
peace and’good order in the bosom of our country. 

“In the same spirit, I venture to express my hopes that at 
any meetings which may be held for the purpose of petition- 
ing the Legislature, the greatest care will be taken to avoid 
all introduction of political topics unconnected with the seri- 
ous matters which immediately press upon you. If any ex- 
ception could be permitted to this:remark, it might perhaps 
be found in the consideration which so naturally suggests it- 
self, that those great and populous cities, among the first in’ 
the empire, which now labor under such unprecedented dis- 
tresses from the measures of Government, and are about to 
seek relief from the House of Commons—Birmingham, Man- 
chester, Leeds, and Sheffield—are unfortunately left without 
any representatives in that branch of the Legislature. But 
this reflection, however material at any other time, ought, 
together with every thing of a political nature, to be kept 
separate from your present objects. And I am confident 
that the worthy members who represent the counties with 
which those towns are connected, will not be wanting in 
their endeavors to press your case upon the attention of Par- 
liament. 

“For myself, I can only say that my humble efforts shall 
never be grudged in co-operating with you for the attainment 
of your object. The usual professional avocations of this sea- 
son oblige me now to leave town. But as soon as your peti- 
tions come before Parliament, I shall hold myself ready to re- 
turn to my attendance in Parliament at the shortest notice; 
considering the support of your applications, in the present 
state of the country, as an engagement greatly paramount to 
every other. Ihave consulted with Mr. Whitbread and other 
friends in both Houses of Parliament, whose judgment de- 
serves a degree of confidence which I am far from reposing 
in my own, and their concurrence in opinion with me makes 


AT, 34. ] THE ORDERS IN COUNCIL. 15 


me the more decided in what I have now stated as an answer 
to the communication with which you honored me. 
; “T am, etc., H. Broveuam. 
“J. WaLKeER, Esq.” 


On the 3d of March, 1812, I brought the whole question be- 
fore the notice of the House of Commons, and moved for a 
select committee to inquire into the present state 6f the com- 
merce and manufactures of the country with reference to the 
effects of the Orders in Council and the license system. Op- 
posed by Rose, who insisted that the Orders in Council were 
a measure of sound policy, and that if repealed we should 
open the trade of the whole world to France, I was warmly 
supported by ‘Alexander Baring,* and as hotly opposed by 
Stephen, feebly by Canning, who only went so far as to say 
“he believed the Orders in Council had been beneficial.” 
Wilberforce, who at one time had believed in their justice 
and policy, now declared he was satisfied I had made out a 
case for inquiry; and, after a useful speech from Whitbread, 
we divided, 144 voting for, and 216 against, the appointmeht 
of a select committee. 

Next day I wrote as follows to Mr. Thorneley, one of my 
mercantile friends at Liverpool: 


“Temple, March 4, 1812. 

“My prar Sir,—I have delayed thanking you for your 
many excellent and most important communications, because 
I was too much occupied in using them, and by a pressure 
of business, as well as by a severe illness under which I have 
labored (indeed I got out of bed to go to the House last 
night), to have time to write to you for the purpose of ac- 
knowledging the receipt of your letters. I now return you 
my hearty thanks, and only lament I could not turn them to 
better account. 

* You will see the account of the debate. I have only seen 
the ‘Morning Chronicle, which is tolerably accurate, but 
makes some blunders ard omits some material things, particu- 
larly my attack on Perceval, in reply, for allowing that the 


* Afterwards Lord Ashburton. 


16 CONTEST AGAINST [1812. 


motive of keeping the Orders now was to prevent French 
goods from being carried by the Americans to South America 
and elsewhere, to undersell ours. The House received this 
attack with particular warmth, as well as what I said against 
an American war, and against the Prince Regent. Indeed it 
would have been an admirable lesson to him (if he is not past 
all reformation) to have heard the furious roaring with which 
the attack*on him was received. 

“Our division is a good one, and by following it up with 
petitions an American war may be prevented. If petitions 
come to Parliament this may be done, and the ministers may 
be driven from the Orders in Council. Those measures are 
materially damaged; but the country must follow up the 
blow if it would see them given up. My best regards to Mr. 
Martin, Mr. Roscoe, and our other friends; and believe me 
ever yours truly, H. Brovenam.” 


Petitions against the Orders were from time to time pre- 
sented in both Houses—in the Lords by Lord Fitzwilliam 
and the Duke of Norfolk, Lord Lauderdale, and Lord Derby ; 
in the Commons by General Gascoigne, myself, and many 
others. These petitions showed incontestably the great dis- 
tress and pressure under which the manufacturing and com- 
mercial interests all over the country labored. 

The result was, that on the 28th of April the Government 
agreed that the inquiry should be taken before a committee 
of the whole House, to sit de die in diem; and agreed to my 
motion that witnesses from Birmingham, Sheffield, Manches- 
ter, Liverpool, and elsewhere, should be summoned to attend. 

The committee began its sittings on the 5th of May—a 
committee of the whole House in the Lords also going into 
the inquiry, and sitting from day to day. 

I had for about a fortnight, with the help of Alexander 
Baring, been carrying on the inquiry, by examining witnesses 
and debating questions as they arose on the evidence ten- 
dered. The Government—that is, Perceval, who had adopt- 
ed Stephen’s system—conceived that the feeling excited by 
the distress in the manufacturing districts would subside, 
and maintained that the accounts of that distress were great- 
ly exaggerated. The object, therefore, of the Government 


1! 84. , THE ORDERS IN COUNCIL. by: 


was to protract the inquiry by all means in their power, and 
give time for what they regarded as clamor to diminish, if 
not to cease. Thus the constant struggle between us was, 
Baring and I pressing on the examination of witnesses, Per- 
ceval and Stephen interposing obstacles to gain time. We 
insisted on beginning each day as early as possible, and so 
far prevailed as to have it settled that I should call my wit- 
nesses at half-past four, and continue till ten; by which ar- 
rangement I was practically enabled to continue much longer, 
because all save those who took peculiar interest in the sub- 
ject had left the House. Our attack was carried on not only 
by the examination of witnesses, but partly by debating the 
petitions presented night after night, partly by discussions 
arising on objections taken to questions put, and by addi- 
tional statements proceeding from members connected with 
different parts of the country, as well as with Yorkshire, Lan- 
cashire, London, and Glasgow, from whence the bulk of the 
petitions had come. Our adversaries had even hopes of sup- 
port by petitions from some quarters. In the only conversa- 
tion I had with Perceval during the inquiry, he said, “In 
that quarter (the woollen) you will not run alone; there will 
be counter-petitions from the clothing districts.” He spoke 
as comparing it with the hardware districts, where we had 
made great play. But it turned out that the case was con- 
siderably stronger in the woollen country. Unhappily he did 
not live to witness the contradiction to his prediction. On 
the 11th May, when complaining that he had not come down 
at the stipulated time, I told the Secretary of the Treasury 
that I must go on notwithstanding, as it was the second time 
Perceval had failed me. He sent a messenger to Downing 
Street to hasten Perceval, by letting him know we had be- 
gun. The messenger met him in Parliament Street, walking 
with Stephen, who, of course, attended most regularly, and 
took a constant and active part. Perceval, with his wonted 
activity, left him, and darted forward to the House. Had 
Stephen continued as he was, on the left hand, he might have 
been the victim of Bellingham, who was waiting in the lobby 
either for Perceval or some one of note: it afterwards ap- 
peared he hardly knew or cared who. 

I was proceeding with my examination of the witness, 


18 ASSASSINATION OF PERCEVAL. (1812. 


when I heard a report, as it seemed to me of a pistol which 
had gone off in some one’s pocket in the gallery, the sound 
being deadened. This passed through my mind, but I did 
not interrupt my examination. Some persons were seen in 
the gallery running towards the door, so it seemed that the 
report had come from the lobby. Instantly after, General 
Gascoigne rushed up the House and cried, “ He has been 
’ shot!” As I expected Whitbread, I asked if it was he. 
Gascoigne replied, “ No, Perceval ; he is shot dead.” 

He had fallen close to William Smith, who took him up, 
and, assisted by others, carried him into the Speaker’s room. 
Before they got there he was dead. The ball had penetrated 
the heart, passing completely through it, near the centre, so 
that death must have been almost instantaneous. LBelling- 
ham made no attempt to escape, but at once stepped forward, 
and declared that he had fired the fatal shot. He was com- 
mitted by Michael Angelo Taylor, a Middlesex magistrate, 
who happened to be present. The House immediately ad- 
journed. 

Next day an attempt was made to make us suspend the 
inquiry, in consequence of this most lamentable event, but we 
positively refused. Indeed, the suspension of all other busi- 
ness which necessarily ensued enabled us to make a rapid 
progress with our evidence, of which a great body was pro- 
duced during the next four weeks. The natural anxiety to 
let no interruption be given by what had happened, was in- 
creased by the desire to disconnect it as much as possible 
with the inquiry. A Liverpool man having been the assassin 
was quite suflicient to raise reports; and Stephen’s feelings 
of grief for the fate of one he had so much loved, were his 
excuse when he threw out insinuations of the same kind, even 
levelled at us who were conducting the inquiry. But he soon 
regained his presence of mind, and continued, as we did, to 
discharge his duty. I thought it right to see Castlereagh. 
He urged me to suspend the proceedings for a week or two, 
until the Government was better established. To this I of 
course could not consent, nor indeed could I be sure that I 
had the power. But I pressed him to abandon quietly the 
commercial policy of his predecessor, and distinctly pledged 
myself to abstain from all party triumph, and affirmed that I 


ZT. 34. | ASSASSINATION OF PERCEVAL. 19 


could give the same undertaking for my friends, and the sup- 
porters of our proceedings generally. He either could not or 
would not agree to this; and said that the inquiry must go 
on, only again urging delay. A belief soon became prevalent 
that the Government intended to give up the Orders in Coun- 
cil, and I lost no time in again seeing Castlereagh, to urge 
the expediency of not at once taking this course, but separa- 
ting it by some short interval from the lamentable fate of his 
colleague, both in justice to his memory, that it might not 
seem to be admitted he was the author of the system, which 
he really was not; and in fairness to its adversaries, to show 
that they had not encouraged such grounds of opposing it; 
and, above all, to show that such detestable acts had not been 
successful, if directed towards such an end. He said there 
was great soundness in my view, but that there was no inten- 
tion of recalling the Orders, and that we must go on with our 
case, which I said I felt quite sure must, when completed, 
lead to the result supposed to be in contemplation. This, he 
again said, was a groundless report; and again urged, as he 
had before done, that we ought to delay our proceedings, in 
consequence of what had happened, and I again refused to 
do so. I afterwards found that my desire to keep Belling- 
ham’s act separate from our inquiry and its supporters had 
not been groundless; for my excellent friend Dr. Shepherd, 
who had lately come to London from Liverpool, told me that 
one of our most zealous supporters at Liverpool (Colonel 
Williams, a retired military man who had seen much service) 
said he considered Bellingham a very remarkable man, and 
acting upon strongly-fixed principles. Now, that he was de- 
ranged there can be no manner of doubt. He confessed that 
his primary intention had been to kill Lord Grenville, who 
had refused to support some claim of his at St. Petersburg 
(where he was ambassador), but that Perceval came in his 
way, and he must kill somebody. ‘The trial was the greatest 
disgrace to English justice. On the evening of Monday, 
May 11th, the act was committed. On the morning of Mon- 
day, May 18th, Bellingham was executed, the Court before 
which he was tried having refused an application for a few 
days’ delay, grounded on the representation that evidence of 
his mental incapacity could be obtained from Liverpool, 


20 tHCALL OP J 1812. 


where he had resided and was known. Indeed the panic oc- 
casioned by the act had not subsided when, four days after, 
he was put upon his trial, and when the judge and jury were 
called upon to administer justice, callously, and inaccessible 
to all feelings, especially to all outward impressions. How 
often have I heard Erskine express his horror of this proceed- 
ing! He often referred, as he well might, to that beautiful 
passage in his defense of Hadfield, describing “ the whole na- 
tion as by statute placed under a fifteen days’ quarantine, to 
secure the mind from the contagion of partial affections,” in 
cases of treason.* But in Bellingham’s case there was the 
same contagion; and to defend the refusal of the application 
for delay by technical objections of the want of an affidavit, 
was grossly absurd; because nothing could disarm the Court 
of its discretionary power to grant the delay of a few days, 
when the application would certainly have been backed by 
affidavits, if indeed evidence of his insanity had not been pro- 
duced. They who, like the military man referred to above as 
believing Bellingham to have been actuated by political mo- 
tives on one side of the question, might well believe that he 
was sacrificed to the vehement popular feelings, if not in 
favor of the system under trial, certainly in favor of its 
principal defender, and indignation at his fate. What a se- 
rious reflection are such proceedings upon our national char- 
acter! The act of an individual, be it ever so outrageous, 
and whether of sound mind and responsibility or not, affixes 
no such blot on the character of the country as the deliberate 
proceeding of its highest tribunal, preventing all justice by 
yielding to the prevailing passions or feelings of the hour. 
When I refused Castlereagh’s request for delay, I went on 
as before day after day; and the evidence proved the dis- 
tressed state of trade and manufactures all over the country, 
clearly connecting it with the system which had professed to 
be reluctantly adopted “for the protection of our commerce, 
and for retaliating on the enemy the evils of his own injus- 
tice.”* I had given notice for the 23d of June of a motion to 
address the Crown for a recall of the Orders in Council; but 





* James Hadfield, tried and acquitted on the ground of insanity in the 
year 1800, for firing at King George III. in Drury Lane Theatre. 


ZaT. o4. | TUE ORDERS IN COUNCIL. 21 


our friends deemed it better to proceed a week earlier in con- 
sequence of the daily-increasing severity of the distress, and 
of the risks of American hostility; so I gave my notice for 
the 16th, and this anticipation was at the time and ever after 
much complained of, especially by Mr. Rose, who maintained 
it to be irregular. The Speaker, however, would not support 
him by declaring it against the rules of the House; and the 
agitated state of the country rendered every day of conse- 
quence. When the 16th came, and I rose to move, the ab- 
sence of Mr. Stephen struck me as very remarkable, and gave 
our friends great hopes of a surrender being in contemplation. 
I spoke at great but not unnecessary length, going into the 
whole case, and attacking all the abuses of the license system 
which had grown up under the Orders, and both in their 
moral and commercial effects had created additional and inevi- 
table mischief. tose, as head of the Board of Trade, followed 
in defense of the system, and then Baring in my support, 
when Castlereagh on the part of the Government said the 
motion need not be pressed to a division, as the Crown had 
been advised immediately to recall the Orders. The conduct 
of the Government was inexplicable, unless on the supposition 
that they had not finally taken this resolution until they saw 
the appearance of the House. The absence of Stephen seemed 
to indicate that the recall had been decided before the debate. 
Then why suffer a debate almost entirely on one side? It is 
barely possible that the disposition to recall was so strong as 
to make Stephen sure that such would be the fate of his sys- 
tem; but yet that it was only a determination so to proceed, 
unless the appearance of the House showed some chance of a 
majority for ministers. Stephen adhered to the Government, 
as the remains of Perceval’s, and evidently declined to attend 
on being convinced of what. would happen, and unwilling to 
express the contempt which he professed to feel for their con- 
duct. But that conduct was unavoidable, except in the delay 
of the announcement; for there could be no manner of doubt 
that they would have been left in a minority had we gone to 
a division. They therefore preferred having a damaging de- 
bate without a damaging division, though Canning and their 
other ill-wishers always taunted them with their weakness in 
surrendering without a fight. 


22 RECALL OF [1812. 


My coadjutor in this successful struggle was Alexander 
Baring; and no one could have been found more fitted to 
bear the part he did in tne controversy, both from his general 
information, the depth as well as precision of his understand- 
ing, and his position as the first merchant in London, indeed 
in the world—besides his connection with America both by 
his property and his commerce, and by having married into 
one of the first families in the United States. 

In consequence of this victory, as well as of my former con- 
nection with Liverpool, when acting as their counsel in 1808, 
I was urged to stand for the borough at the approaching 
general election. 

But before any steps could be taken, indeed before I had 
given an answer, the Orders in Council were immediately 
after the 23d of June repealed. 

Shortly after this, a communication was made to me by 
Lord Castlereagh, the particulars of which, in consequence of 
suggestions made to me by many of the leading merchants 
of Liverpool, that I should proceed to America as negotiator 
with the American Government, I communicated to Mr. Ros- 
coe in a letter I wrote to him from Brougham; and I added, 
“T have every reason to believe that the news brought by the 
Gleaner is unfavorable. My authority is the form of expres- 
sion in a letter I have just received from Lord Castlereagh, 
who wishes to confer with me on the turn affairs are taking 
in America. I am writing to him, but I can not think of go- 
ing to town, as it would do no good. I shall write to Baring 
to watch him. I beg of you to keep these particulars entirely 
to yourself; but if the result of them—namely, that the Gov- 
ernment are apprehensive—can do any good to any of oar 
friends, you might give them that hint. 

“T hope I may be wrong in my construction, but I fear the 
worst. Ever yours truly, 

“H. Brovenam.” 


Many of my Liverpool friends, as well as Baring, had urged 
me to go as negotiator with the American Government. My 
answer was, that if they thought that my position with respect 
to the late repeal might facilitate so desirable an event as a 
settlement of the American dispute, I had no objection, how- 


JET, 54. ] THE ORDERS IN COUNCIL. 23 


ever great the personal sacrifice might be, but said that Bar- 
ing would be better, from his American connections. Both 
he and the others, however, considered that rather as an ob- 
jection to him; besides, that I had been the leader in the late 
contest, and had taken the part of America in all the contro- 
versies which had arisen for the last five or six years. There- 
fore, in consequence of these solicitations, and in redemption 
of the pledge I had given, both privately to Castlereagh and 
on the 23d June in the House of Commons, I wrote to Cas- 
tlereagh on the Ist August, that “I had no objection to un- 
dertake the negotiation;” and the day after added, that, if 
necessary, I should not object to proceed to America, “ the 
only expense to the country being my passage there and back 
with a single servant.” 

His answer was, that he regarded this offer “as fully and 
honorably redeeming the pledge I had given,” but declining 
the offer “for the present,’ which of course meant 4lto- 
gether; and so it turned out, for I heard no more of it. 

Before I went the summer circuit, I had the following let- 
ter from Horner: 


FROM FRANCIS HORNER. 
‘‘Ivy Bridge, Devon, July 25, 1812. 

“Dear Brovanam,—I received your letter just as I was 
leaving Exeter, the great kindness of which gave me very sin- 
cere pleasure. 

“T learned with very great satisfaction from Whishaw that 
the Liverpool people have manifested in the most appropriate 
manner their gratitude for the services, unexampled in the 
. modern history of Parliament, which you have rendered them, 
in common with all the commercial and manufacturing inter- 
ests of the country. It is the true reward for such indefati- 
gable, persevering exertions, and will give delight and pride to 
all your friends. Believe me always very faithfully yours, 

“Fra. HoRNER.” 


The communications I had.been about this time making to 
Lord Grey on all these matters led to the following corre- 
spondence ; 


24 LETTER TO LORD GREY. [1812. 


TO EARL GREY. 
‘* Durham, August 2, 1812. 

“My pEAr Lorp Grey,—I had meant to write some days 
ago to you on many subjects, and delayed it owing to busi- 
ness. One was what you allude to— Ward’s movement, or 
rather declaration.* He was, as you might suspect, the per- 
son I alluded to at Ledstone. Now, I really think you are 
wrong as to his motives, which, if altogether personal and 
private, and on that account less respectable in some sort, are, 
I know, quite free from any tinge, even the slightest, of cor- 
ruption or place-hunting. In truth, had Canning been in of- 
fice he would not have declared, or thought of it; and a year 
ago he often said to me (when annoyed by things in the 
House of Commons) how he wished you were all in office 
that he might join the ex-party—viz., Canning. I had several 
long’and most warm conferences with him before he made up 
his mind, and of course said what occurred to me freely. At 
the same time, when he put it to me whether, iz point of 
honor, he was acting blamably, I could not say so, considering 
his loose connection at all times with us, and his decided dif- 
ference on some points. I did not conceal from him, however, 
that this might not be the opinion of all his friends. 

“T can tell you distinctly how this matter stands, and I 
wish you would let Lord Grenville and any other friends 
know it also, though, in general, it is nine parts in ten per- 
sonal. He greatly admires, somewhat likes, and in no little 
degree fears, Canning, for his classical attainments, and his 
jokes and flings. So do William Lamb} and Granville Ver- 
non, and so do Peel and all the other young fry about the 
offices—yvery inferior to our youths, of course. Now Ward, 
like them, is a dealer in a sort of ware, very marketable up to 
a certain price and for some time, but base in its real nature, 
and which don’t keep—I mean little prize essays of speeches, 
got up and polished, and useless, quite useless, for affairs. 
To have Canning—the leader in this line—against them, and 








_ * John William Ward, afterwards Viscount Dudley and Ward by succes- 
sion; and, in 1827, Earl Dudley by creation. 
+ Afterwards Lord Melbourne, 


AT. 34. ] WARD, CANNING. 25 


sneering at them, they do not like; and not being men of 
very great minds (though very good and clever men—one 
part of them, at least), they would fain at all costs be with 
him. First they move heaven and earth to get him and you 
together, and then, when the clay and gold won’t unite, they 
go after the former. Depend on it, this is at the bottom of 
it all, I know the men, and have sounded them for years; 
of this I never saw a moment’s reason to doubt. But this 
feeling prevails in different strength in them. In Ward it is 
predominant, and he follows it. He does not like our House 
of Commons leaders, and particularly objects (as many oth- 
ers do, and, in my fair and candid opinion, with much reason) 
to Tierney, whose errors and fears really do mightily dimin- 
ish his acknowledged merits. You know, among other great 
blunders, he is a general discourager, and does nothing to 
bring forward or protect the young ones. He throws cold 
water on all that is proposed; and it is proved to the satis- 
faction of every man who knew any thing of the progress of 
the question, that had he had his own way, in any one par- 
ticular, of the many in dispute among us, [that of] the Or- 
ders in Council would have failed almost entirely—possibly 
they might never have been brought forward, certainly by 
me they never could, though I don’t know who he had in his 
eye. But I speak of his general habit of discouraging—the 
very reverse of Fox’s and yours. He always forgets that an 
Opposition can hardly be too active or adventurous, and he 
acts as if he were in the Cabinet. My answer to all this is 
(and so I told Ward), that we look not to Tierney but to you, 
and to George Ponsonby as your friend. Then he objects to 
our leader’s not being in the House of Commons—a misfor- 
tune, no doubt—and says if you had remained there he should 
no more have thought of looking abroad to Canning than to 
Lord Liverpool. In short, you see there is a mixture of lik- 
ings and dislikings, all for the most part groundless, in my 
opinion, but not in his, I verily believe. Place he really cares 
nothing about, and I believe he never would take it with any 
set of men. As for another tie, that which I or any of his 
old and personal friends (I believe it applies to me chiefly) 
may have over him—on this we have often spoken together ; 
but, unfortunately, we differ on some radical points. He is 
Vou. IL—B 


26 EFFECT OF THE RECALL [1812. 


an alarmist about reform and popular principles; and he con- 
siders me as being a Jacobin, or at least a sort of link between 
you and the Mountain—very absurdly, as I often have told 
him, for I don’t believe (as far as my opinions signify) I ever 
thought of going beyond you in any thing of the kind. The 
question of peace and neutral points, perhaps the most impor- 
tant of any, I put to him strongly, and found he considered 
his differences with Canning on the former to be no greater 
than with you on the latter. I really forget how he answered, 
for in truth I considered the case as up before we came to 
that part of it. 

“By the way, another point, I dare say, is the Hollendee 
you know his difference with them is very far the reverse of 
mine (if you ever heard of mine), which neither they nor I 
can tell the grounds of, and which is really the most comical 
and absurd thing in the world. But Ward has a real quarrel, 
and hates then and is disliked by them. This has no little 
additional influence. 

“Almost all these motives are personal, you see, and I don’t 
say highly respectable. He goes over to Canning because he 
feels more comfortable in doing so. He will find a woeful 
difference. I have told him so, and given him warning that 
the first opportunity I shall, for one, fire into him very un- 
mercifully. Indeed I deem this a sort of duty, and shall take 
some pleasure in it. 

“All this is a very dull and long account of the matter ; 
but whatever you may feel as to Ward, you may rest assured 
there is nothing base or shabby in him—quite the contrary. 
Now I say dull, because the subject is really not worth much 
trouble, one way or other, except as Ward is a friend, for I 
consider him a very weak public man in every point of view. 
His conduct might be pravi exempli, but Lamb dares not fol- 
low it; and Vernon, I am sure, would not, even if he were 
allowed. I had much rather have Ward, and Lamb too, 
fairly against us, than grumbling and doing us no earthly 
good. So much for this subject. 

“What think you of the Americans? A little hasty, I 
presume all will allow, but they saw the majorities in March 
in favor of the ‘Orders,’ and it is not known whether they 
knew of the inquiry being gone into; certainly not when the 


ZT. 34. ] OF THE ORDERS IN COUNCIL. 27 


President’s message was delivered, June 1. Perceval’s death 
was not known till three days after the Act passed, on 21st 
June.* TI rejoice, upon the whole; because it will make the 
peace and good behavior of this country lasting, when it be- 
gins. But for this Act we never should have believed in an 
American war. The message shows that the appeal will sus- 
pend hostilities—at any rate, that a short negotiation will 
lead to it, and our victory in this country will be then very 
complete. 

“ By the way, all the people I have seen, and all my corre- 
spondence with different meetings, evince how much the Op- 
position have gained in the country by this practical proof of 
the wisdom of these measures. They say a thousand times, 
‘Had Lord Grey been minister this would not have hap- 
pened.’ I also think the rejection of the prince’s offer popu- 
lar, though of this I am not so sure; it is less intelligible. 
But that you are very popular, upon the whole, I plainly per- 
ceive. Indeed, such men as Roscoe, etc., are already quite re- 
claimed. I don’t mean that things should be undertaken 
from mere love of popularity, but it is a good assisting rea- 
son, when they are excellent in themselves ; therefore I hope 
we shall, next session, make a vigorous assault on the farm- 
ers’ property-tax. I gave a general notice, in consequence of 
which hundreds of persons have written and applied to me. 
You remember talking of it four years ago. Northumberland 
should really take the lead in this matter; it belongs to it. 

“ There is a great wish at Liverpool, in the Tory party, to 
have a compr omise—Canning and me—without any contest. 
J have not given my answer, but wish to know how it strikes 
you. Of course I mean on Ale supposition of our finding it 
quite impossible to carry two. My own feeling has always 
been rather to have nothing to do with it unless this were 


* The principal dates in the Recall of the Orders are—on 16th June, on 
‘‘Mr. Brougham’s motion on the present state of Commerce and Manufac- 
tures, and for the repeal of the Orders in Council.” On that occasion—re- 
ferred to above, p. 21—Lord Castlereagh announced the intention to ‘‘sus- 
pend” the Orders. The Act of Council repealing or recalling the Act com- 
monly called the ‘‘ Orders in Council,” was passed on the 23d of June, and 
on that day Mr. Brougham addressed the House in a congratulatory speech, 
and re-moved that the order for a call of the House on his motion be dis- 
charged. 


28 EFFECT OF THE RECALL [1812. 


possible, and even easy, for it is as well for us to have the 
two Generals* as Canning and me—indeed, on every account 
better; but I wish much to know how it strikes you. 

“JI have great hopes of being at Howick this day week. 
Eden} certainly—Lamb{ doubtful; but I think I shall at all 
events come over the hills in a gig, and see you, after the cir- 
cuit. What you say of the plate, etc., biases me against de- 
clining. Ever yours, H. Brovenam.” 


After the great victory in June, there were meetings in all 
the great manufacturing towns; resolutions of congratula- 
tions and of thanks to me for my successful efforts, and not 
a few votes of civic donations; but, except in one instance, I 
only knew of these things by the newspaper reports of pro- 
ceedings. In that one case of Glasgow, the resolution was 
communicated to me in a letter, stating that £500 had been 
at once paid, after a meeting, for a present, and desiring to 
know in what form it would be most acceptable. This re- 
quired much consideration, as such gifts were liable to be 
abused. I therefore assembled some friends to discuss the 
matter—Lord Holland, Lord Erskine, Romilly, and Baring, 
to whom I added Creevey, because he had expressed himself 
strongly on a similar subject. Lord Grey was not in town, 
but I afterwards wrote to him, and he answered as follows: 


FROM EARL GREY. 
** Howick, August 1, 1812. 
“My pEAR Brovenam,—I conclude this will find you at 
Durham, and I can not help repeating my hope that your 
business will allow you to give us a day or two. We shall 
be happy to see Mr. Strickland with you, and any other per- 
son that you can bring, particularly George Lamb and Eden. 
“Since I came home I have looked at the Birmingham 


* Gascoigne the Corporation, and Tarleton the Whig, member for Liver- 
pool. 

+ The Hon. George Eden, afterwards the second Lord Auckland. He was 
Governor-general of India, and in 1839 was created Earl of Auckland. Sub- 
sequently he was First Lord of the Admiralty, and died unmarried in Janu- 
ary, 1849. 

¢ The Hon. George Lamb, brother of William, Lord Melbourne. 


AT, 34. ] . OF THE ORDERS IN COUNCIL. , 29 


resolutions, as well as those of the other places which have 
commenced in a resolution to give you some mark of their 
gratitude for your exertions in procuring the repeal of the 
Orders in Council. I really see nothing in the resolutions 
which need put you under any difficulty. To say that, if you 
accept, there will be nobody found to blame you, would per- 
haps be too much. You stand in much too prominent a sit- 
uation not to have detractors ready to seize any occasion, 
right or wrong, to attack you. If you have gained great 
reputation and much well-deserved approbation on the one 
hand, you may be sure that you have excited some envy and 
ill-will on the other. But I am convinced no fair and reason- 
able man could find fault with you for not refusing an ac- 
knowledgment of public service which comes to you in the 
most honorable way, and quite unsought for. 

“Both Grenville and I accepted from the Catholics of 
Glasgow a piece of plate—of no great value indeed—after 
we were turned out in 1807. I have thus given you my un- 
biased opinion; but if you still feel scruples, I can only add, 
that it is impossible to err on the side of delicacy with re- 
spect to matters of this nature. 

“ Canning’s negotiation is off, I hear, on some petty point 
of personal arrangements—the particulars I have not heard ; 
but it will be on again, and I have little doubt that he will be 
in office before the opening of next session. He is vehement- 
ly desirous of office. The ministers-must feel the necessity 
of strengthening themselves in the House of Commons to se- 
cure their own possession, and with these mutual inducements 
to accommodation, personal difficulties will in all probability 
be surmounted. Ward, I hear, has declared himself a follow- 
er of Canning in form. If he prefers office to a character for 
public principle and consistency, he has acted wisely. I have 
heard no other news of any kind that you will not see in the 
papers. If you can not come now, do not deprive us of the 
hope of seeing you before your return to London, 

“ Ever yours, Grey.” 


Those whom I consulted in town, all but Creevey, held that 
it would be squeamish, and open to the charge of affectation, 
if I refused, as it was no offer of money. But Creevey agreed 


30 EFFECT OF THE RECALL [1812. 


with me in thinking that it might be open to the observation 
that it was money’s worth if taken in what could be convert- 
ed into money, or if taken in things which were useful, where- 
by the purse was saved. Erskine dwelt on the gift long af- 
ter the service performed, and compared it to a counsel re- 
ceiving a present after a cause was gained, which however, he 
was aware, we held to be irregular, and liable to objection; 
and I rather think we referred to Topping’s refusal of a re- 
tainer of 1000 guineas in the Baltic risk cases, which he said 
would imply that for the ordinary retainers of five guineas he 
would not equally do his duty. The result of our delibera- 
tions was, that I should refuse to accept any thing which I 
could have any idea of ever purchasing; and I therefore, in 
returning my thanks for the kindness of the Glasgow men, 
said that I would only take it in the form of a gold inkstand. 
I heard no more of it for nearly five years, and supposed that 
the person in whose hands the money was, had failed. In 
1817, when a deputation waited on me with the service of 
plate which Birmingham had voted in 1812, one of them (I 
think Attwood) said he desired it to be understood that this 
had reference to the Orders in Council of 1812, and to noth- 
ing that had passed since. I called back another of the dep- 
utation to ask whether any thing in my conduct subsequent- 
ly had displeased my friends, as I conceived that the defeat of 
the income-tax in 1816 had been of more general importance 
than even the success of 1812. But*the answer was, that the 
spokesman’s firm were bankers to the receiver of the county, 
and had suffered by the diminution of his balance from the 
defeat of the tax. Happening the day after to see Dr. Shep- 
herd, I recited this as a remarkable anecdote, when he said 
that perhaps I had never understood why the Glasgow gold 
inkstand never reached me. He stated that, on the refusal of 
the offer to return one and one (Canning and me), and the in- 
crease of the expenses, the committee on our side had taken 
the very unwarrantable step of writing to Glasgow, that the 
best application of the fund subscribed was sending it to 
Liverpool, in order to meet the expenses of my election. And 
this was done at the very time when they had refused nearly 
three times as much on my urging them to take it from me. 
This conduct was extremely blamable—not the writing to 


ZT. 34. ] OF THE ORDERS IN COUNCIL. 31 


Glasgow, which was only a want of proper delicacy, but the 
not informing me, both that I might have the option of re- 
ceiving the gift voted, paying the price, and especially suffer- 
ing the Glasgow men to remain under the imprtation of not 
performing their promise to me. 

There was much resemblance between this Liverpool popu- 
lar proceeding and the generous intentions of Queen Caroline 
eight years after; and the parallel shows how little courtly 
and popular levity and want of consideration may occasional- 
ly differ. 

Upon the defeat of the bill for divorcing the queen, I wait- 
ed upon her to communicate the event, and tender my con- 
gratulations. She said, “ There is a sum of £7000 at Douglas 
Kinnaird’s” (her banker’s), “ which I desire you will accept 
for yourself, giving £4000 of it to the other counsel.” This 
I of course refused, saying that we all received, or should re- 
ceive, the usual fees, and could not take any thing further. 
She insisted on my telling my colleagues, which I said I should, 
as a matter of course, but that I was certain they would re- 
fuse, as I had done. Next day, when I again waited upon 
her, she recurred to the subject, and asked if I had told them 
that she laid her commands upon us. I said I had told them 
so distinctly, and that they all refused with the greatest re- 
spect, and a full sense of her kind intentions. She asked what 
could be the reason of it all; and I endeavored to explain 
that professional etiquette made it impossible. She still was 
disconcerted, and said lawyers were unaccountable people. 
A few weeks after, Kinnaird, when he took his account to her, 
suggested that the salaries of her law officers were in arrear, 
never having been paid. She refused peremptorily to have 
them paid, saying the queen must pay her debts before she 
pays her attorney and solicitor-general. The sum due was 
under £200, and she had been pressing £7000 upon us! This 
arrear, as well as all the other professional emoluments, but 
on the ordinary scale, were paid by the Treasury after her 
death, among the expenses of the cause. In consequence of 
the absurd reports spread in the country that a room at 
Brougham had been built by the queen after the trial (there 
having been not a room built, but only a battlement added to 
a very ancient room), I may add, that I never received any 


Bie EFFECT OF THE RECALL - [1812. 


presen whatever from her, except a magnificent copy of Dante 
(the great Florentine edition), on which Dr. Parr wrote an 
inscription that has been the subject of much criticism. 

I have mentioned the votes of plate in different parts of the 
country. They were chiefly of things which I should not 
have thought of buying, being, with the exception of the Bir- 
mingham service, more for show than use. From other places 
there were cups of various kinds, and from Huddersfield a 
pair of blankets which I handed over to my friend Whitbread, 
as a present to his daughter Elizabeth, just about to be mar- 
ried to William Waldegrave. On the Reform Bill passing in 
1832, there was a penny subscription for four silver-gilt cups 
to be presented to Grey, Althorpe, John Russell, and myself. 
In those days the practice said to have prevailed latterly, of 
distributing shares in railway and other companies among 
members of the two Houses, had not been discovered; and as 
the shares bore a premium at the time of distribution, a more 
objectionable practice can not be imagined. I have known 
members of both Houses reject the offer with indignation; 
but some there were who accepted them, justifying the prac- 
tice by contending that it was nothing more than the custom 
of giving shares of loans to different persons; but if these 
were given to any one haying a discretion in settling the terms 
of the loan, it would be liable to the same objections as giv- 
ing shares to members while the bill was in progress through 
Parliament. The only time I ever held any shares, except in 
University College, was when, a qualification being required 
as a director in a company got up for the benefit of the ne- 
groes, I purchased the number required at a considerable loss 
of money. 

Among the patriotic gifts for services in regard to the Or- 
ders in Council and commercial policy generally, as well as 
respecting the income-tax, but certainly not on account of the 
negroes and the abolition of the slave-trade as well as slavery, 
may be reckoned the kindness of a very respectable man in 
the county of Durham, Mr. Shakspeare Reed, who, about the 
year 1828, wrote to inform me that he had, after providing 
for his widow and his near relations, left me his property in 
consideration of my public services. I inquired about this 
good man of my friend Lambton (Lord Durham), and found 


227, 34.] OF THE ORDERS IN COUNCIL. 33 


that he was a very wealthy person; but, from my friend’s 
way of talking, evidently not agreeing with him in county 
politics. A few years after, I received a letter, in which he 
called upon me, from the relation he said subsisting between 
us, as his heir, to put down “the political set of pretended 
philanthropists who were seeking the emancipation of slavery 
in the West Indies.” He appealed to me, on the above-men- 
tioned consideration, “ to use my influence, official as well as 
personal, to put them down; for,” said he, “I can assure you 
that the peasantry on your estate in Barbadoes are fully better 
off than those on your Durham estates,” so little had he un- 
derstood our English history. I answered that “I was sorry 
to say he had applied to a wrong quarter; for that I was one 
of the principal leaders of those whom he wanted to put 
down. But I hoped he would form a better opinion of us 
and of our measures, by reading the report of the House of 
Lords’ committee, under my friend the Duke of Richmond,” 
which I sent him, as it had just been printed. I received no 
answer, and concluded that he had altered his will. He died 
in 1837, and I have since found that my conjecture was well 
founded. His will was made seven years after our corre- 
spondence. . 

The state of our relations with America had become ex- 
ceedingly alarming, in consequence of the delay in recalling 
the Orders in Council, and the manner of the recall. There 
appeared in the United States Government signs of a disposi- 
tion to precipitate a rupture. Letters I received at this time 
from my ally, Baring, showed how much he shared in the 
alarm. The following gives also the course which he recom- 
mended our commercial and manufacturing bodies to take: 


FROM ALEXANDER BARING. 
*¢ Carshalton, August 1, 1812. 
“Drar Brovenam,—Since you wrote your letter you will 
have seen the American declaration of war, which renders the 
situation of our traders more embarrassing. I am obstinate 
in my opinion that the repeal will set every thing right; but 
it is just possible that as we were foolish enough to expose 
our dependence by our evidence, the Americans may think 
this an opportunity to force other conditions upon us, or at 
B2 


34 EFFECT OF THE RECALL [1812. 


least to make the experiment before they give way. The 
known weakness of the Government, the pressure of the in- 
surgent manufacturers, the supposed, and I fear real, depend- 
ence of the Peninsula for food, are temptations which may 
catch them; andI fear that the eagerness with which our peo- 
ple have shipped will increase this temptation. The Ameri- 
cans will think that we shall be obliged to gain admittance for 
our shipments at any price; and this is a point in which they 
can bear a little hesitation better than we can. The satisfac- 
tion expressed by Opposition on the other hand, and their 
promise of resistance in case of further encroachment, will be 
of great service; and, upon the whole, my hopes preponderate 
over my fears. Much, indeed every thing, will depend on 
able and skillful negotiation; it is a great point to get the 
shipments admitted, but still more essential to make no ex- 
travagant sacrifice for it. I fear our instrument for this pur- 
pose is very unequal to the task, and the Cabinet here not 
likely to make a fit choice, should they make any change. 

“J should think that the best course for you to take, if I 
may advise, would be to recommend to your friends the manu- 
facturers to show a disposition to support Government in re- 
sisting wnreasonable encroachments; taking care to watch 
their confidence, that it does not encourage them to be un- 
reasonable in their turn. The manufacturers may rely upon 
it that their interest will be better answered permanently by 
conciliatory firmness than by absolute concession, which will 
invite further encroachment, and at last bring you, as the 
Russians will be brought, to a point where, nolens volens, a 
stand must be made. I am quite certain that, the Orders 
repealed in the way they are, the Government in America 
will be obliged to yield, whatever show they may at first 
- make; and as I believe the other concessions required (espe- 
cially the search for seamen) to be such as we should not 
make, it is even the safest course for the manufacturers (con- 
sidering their interest in the narrowest sense) here to stand 
by the Government. This is my view of the case. If you 
should concur with me, your advice may be of great service, 
and give a tone where you now are. I do not think Madi- 
son could support his war, or keep his ports closed, one fort- 
night after our repeal reaches America. I confidently expect 


ZT. 34. ] OF THH ORDERS IN COUNCIL. 35 


that no attempt ever will be made. An embargo, you will 
see, has taken place; which, upon the whole, I think fair. 
We must not appear frightened, but at such a period we 
should have a minister of the very first power in America; 
not to plan foolish projects to dismember the Union, but to 
take care that the people are properly and plausibly informed 
of the intentions of his Government, etc., etc. It would in- 
deed be a treasure in such a time if Government had sense 
enough to tempt you to their assistance, but I fear they will 
go on without change. You will see the “Morning Chron- 
icle” abuses Madison’s paper. I think it is a good perform- 
ance, and not too querulous for an enumeration of grievances, 
which it professes to be. Nor do I think the Americans were 
wrong in striking their blow; they had waited many months 
for different political changes, and you must recollect that 
their embargo left them no choice but of yielding or advan- 
cing. But I shall think them quite in the wrong if they per- 
sist after our repeal reaches, and I shall be much surprised if 
they do. I hope the manufacturers smother you with atten- 
tions, and are duly sensible how much they are your debt- 
ors. Yours,’ 

“P.S.—I have confidence in the Russian money system, 
mais nous verrons.” 


With reference to the suggestion that I should go to Amer- 
ica, I wrote thus to Lord Grey : 


TO EARL GREY. 
** August 8, 1812. 

“ My pear Lorp Grey,—I consulted you about Liverpool, 
my own feeling being against moving in it at all; but all I 
have heard since is very favorable, and to-day I hear from 
Lord Sefton that the leading man of the corporation has writ- 
ten to him that my success is certain. — 

* Connected with this is another matter, which you will 
think, I dare say, is somewhat Quixotic. I made a formal of- 
fer to go out to America to negotiate the present matter, con- 
ceiving that my conducting the negotiation would extremely 
hamper the war party and encourage the peace party in 
America. My proposition was laid before the prince, and 


36 ELECTION PROSPECTS. [1812. 


from Castlereagh’s answer it appears that the prince is the 
cause of its being for the present rejected ; which, of course, 
means altogether. The terms in which this is conveyed to 
me are quite civil, and even more; but ministers had better 
mow make it up with America, for the merchants and manu- 
facturers will in no other way be satisfied. As a proof of 
this, I have letters from all the towns—Birmingham, Liver- 
pool, London, Glasgow, etc.—urging me to endeavor to go, 
and saying that it is the only way to settle it. 
* Most truly yours, H. BrovuaHam.” 


To this Lord Grey answered as follows: 


FROM EARL GREY. 
“Howick, August 10, 1812. 

“My prar Brovenam,—I am extremely disappointed at 
not secing you here, but I trust to your remembering your 
promise after Lancaster, and paying us, I hope, a longer visit 
than your business at this time would probably have per- 
mitted. 

“T really do not know how to advise about Liverpool, the 
expediency of embarking in an affair of. that. nature depend- 
ing on so many considerations which I have very imperfectly 
before me. From what you state of the matter, I should say 
that whether we can carry one or two, if a seat is offered to 
you on your own principles, perfectly unfettered, and without 
any engagement or connection with any other party, I can see 
no reason for your refusing it, provided the probabilities of 
success, without too great an expense, are such as satisfy you. 
On the other hand, if by a compromise which is to bring in 
you and Canning it is meant that you should in any degree 
assist, or engage your friends to assist, his election, I am as 
decidedly of opinion that it would be better, for a thousand 
reasons, to decline it.’ 

“T must confess I was a little surprised at what you say 
of your offer to go to America. If I had been previously ap- 
prised of your intention, I should have endeavored to dissuade 
you from it. As it is, it is not worth while to say more on 
the subject than that I think you have had a lucky escape. 

“Ever yours truly, GREY.” 


ET. 84.] EARL GREY. 37 


TO EARL GREY. 
*¢ Newcastle, August 18, 1812. 

“ My pear Lorp Grey,—I could convince you in five min- 
utes by the clock that I had no choice; but I quite agree with 
you, I have had a great escape: not only so, but that it puts 
our attack on very high grounds if the negotiation fails; ~ 
which, however, I think extremely unlikely. 

* Yours ever, HB: 


The following letter is to my friend Dr. Shepherd :* 


TO DR. SHEPHERD. 
**Gateacre, Liverpool, Lancaster, 
Tuesday, Aug. 25, 1812. 

“My praAr Srr,—lI have just received yours of the 21st, 
which went to Brougham, and followed me here. I take it 
for granted Mr. Roscoe may have explained to you my idea 
of the propriety of postponing the dinner, in case bad news 
from America should arrive before the beginning of Septem- 
ber. My notion is founded on the belief that the cause would 
suffer by such .an untoward coincidence—that we might ex- 
pose ourselves to the ridicule of, not merely the enemy, but 
the neutrals; and that it would be more comfortable, as well 
as more dignified, to keep our feast at the right time. If in- 
deed there is war with America, notwithstanding the repeal 
of the Orders ; if our labors are all in vain, and peace must be 
delayed till we have fought other battles next session of Par- 
liament—it is only a blessing deferred, for we have substan- 
tially carried the day ; but we ought in this case to reflect how 
serious an evil the delay itself is, though it can only be short 
if we bestir ourselves. We should consider all that is past as 
nothing, and gird our loins and hearts as if the whole were 
only beginning ; and instead of triumphing, our note should 
be dolorous, both in point of truth and policy. Should the 
war be confirmed (at least for the present) at or about the 
time of our meeting to celebrate a peace (nine-tenths of the 
- expected fruits of our last success), we might indeed expect 


* The Rey. William Shepherd, author of ‘‘ The Life of Poggio Bracciolini.” 


38 ELECTION PROSPECTS. [1812. 


to hear quoted on us, or might fairly cite ourselves, ¢O falsam 
spem! O volucres fortunas!—O cecam cupiditatem !—O 
preposteram gratulationem !—quam cito illa omnia ex letitia 
et voluptate in luctum ct lacrymas reciderunt !—(Pro Syila.) 

“ Now, I own, my rule being, defore the moment of action, 
always to prepare for the worst, and iz the moment itself to 
listen to nothing but confidence and hopes, I am always (in 
every situation) as gloomy while planning as I am resolute in 
shutting my eyes to the dark side while executing. There- 
fore I am now, and have been for some time past, preparing 
for the worst—I hope without. any great reason; but it i 
safest. : 

“ Every thing, however, will depend on the opinion of those 
upon the spot; for I am speaking at a distance, and in gen- 
erals. ‘Therefore I send by this posta letter to Mr. Roscoe, to 
be published, if necessary or advisable, according to the news 
at the proper time. I sincerely hope it may be unnecessa- 
ry; and if the flag of truce brings the news, as stated in the 
Sunday papers, it must be so. One word more as ‘to this 
great question of American war. Though I feel anxious on 
it, to ag unspeakable degree, yet, when I reflect on the history 
of the country and its follies, I really can not deny that we 
should richly deserve it, if it does happen; and should the 
dispute finally hinge on the impressment of seamen, without 
being superstitious, I shall almost call it a judgment. 

“Ever yours most truly, HIB 


After the summer circuit in 1812, I had some correspond- 
ence with Wilberforce upon various subjects—not the least 
interesting of which were Parliamentary Reform, the slave- 
trade, and his own idea that he was not strong enough to 
give the same time and attention he had formerly bestowed 
on his Parliamentary duties, and consequently that he began 
to think it a duty to his Yorkshire constituents to retire from 
the representation of that county. 


** Sandgate, Sept. 23, 1812. 
“My pEAr Broveuam,—lI was just sitting down to state 
to you the cause of your not sooner receiving an answer to 
your former letter—viz., that I had been on the ramble for 


ET. 35. | WILBERFORCE. 89 


nearly a fortnight, taking my boys to their respective schools 
——when I received this morning your favor of the 19th inst. 
From our earliest acquaintance you have accustomed me to 
expect from you all that is kind and friendly ; and, therefore, 
however gratified by the letter now before me, I can not be 
surprised at it. But habit will not, I trust, in this instance, 
have the effect of blunting the sensibility of my feelings; at 
least it has not hitherto done it; on the contrary, I have at 
this moment a deep sense of your kindness, and I beg you to 
accept my best thanks for it; and I assure you I know the 
value of your offers of service, which, at the very time when 
you might fairly be supposed, without the imputation of self- 
ishness, to be fully occupied in your own concerns, you make 
me with so much friendly zeal. But the die is cast. I will 
frankly state to you all the circumstances of the case. For 
considerably above a year I have been deliberating, together 
with two or three particular friends, whether on any dissolu- 
tion of Parliament I had not better resign my present situa- 
tion, and accept the kind offer of a dear friend, and, through 
marriage, a near relative, to bring me in for a seat which 
would not impose on me the obligation of such constant at- 
tendance as I deem to be my duty so long as I remain mem- 
ber for Yorkshire. 

“Two considerations chiefly led me to entertain this pro- 
posal. First, that I began to find my load a little too heavy 
—in short, I began to feel that I grew older; and, secondly, 
that my six children claimed more of my time and thoughts 
than I could spare them while in my present station. The 
rumors of an approaching dissolution forced me to make up 
my mind, and at length I decided to retire from the county. 
I will fairly, however, confess to you—and I hope that I shall 
not thereby subject myself to the imputation of extraordi- 
nary vanity—that the reports of an intended opposition, es- 
pecially when it was rumored that a certain affluent noble- 
man meant again to propose his son, instead of disposing me 
to resign, produced, and very strongly, the directly opposite 
feelings. For believing, as I do, that a decided majority of 
the freeholders would be friendly to me, I should resent with 
indignation the idea of any nobleman being suffered to force 
his son into the representation of such a county as oltrs, by 


40 ELECTION PROSPECTS. [1812. 


the terrors of his purse, against the will of the majority. I 
also believe, as you seem to do, that there was no chance of 
any serious opposition, had I offered myself a candidate, es- 
pecially taking into account your friendly zeal for me, and 
the Duke of Norfolk’s obliging offer of support and influence 
with the Whig party. 

“ But I can truly assure you that my determination was 
formed without the slightest reference to the probability of a 
contest; and it scarcely seemed to be right for me to be 
piqued into deviating from the course which otherwise I had 
resolved to pursue, sanctioned by the counsel of several of my 
best and dearest friends. 

“Between ourselves, also, and in confidence, I will also ac- 
knowledge that I have not relished what appeared to me not 
unlikely to be the consequence of my retiring, that the rep- 
resentation of our county might fall into the hands of two 
rich and powerful noblemen, who, once tasting the sweets of 
a quiet election, in which each returned one member, might 
be tempted to come to some understanding which might be 
injurious to the independence of our county. Still, what was 
to be done? TI have not—indeed I never had, my dear 
Brougham—without a compliment, your strength either of 
body or mind; and now, at fifty-three, I really begin to be 
conscious that I am growing older. And as Quin said he 
would not whistle Falstaff for any man, so I should be sorry 
to continue clinging to my situation without attending as 
assiduously as I have been used to do. I once thought of 
frankly stating to the county that I could not be quite so con- 
stant an attendant, but that if they chose to elect me on that 
understanding, I would continue to serve them as well as I 
could; but, on reflection, this appeared too presuming in me 
to propose; though, had it come from the opposite party, the 
case would have been different. Iam scribbling in great haste 
and much confusion, owing to our happening to be what we 
call in Yorkshire—and probably you in Cumberland—flitting, 
after being three months in the same house; and though we 
are moving to another in the same place, it is no light piece 
of work to a man who has rather a faculty for heaping to- 
gether, wherever he is, a pretty ample store of books and 
pamplilets, etc., etc. I am writing, too, against time, for the 


AT. 35.] WILBERFORCE AND YORK. 41 


letters here go to the post between three and four, and it is 
now much past three. I had various subjects on which I 
wished to write to you, more especially on the pleas sug- 
gested in the article on Parliamentary Reform in the last 
‘Edinburgh Review,’ which I conceive must be yours, on the 
same ground as I conceive several others in the same Review 
to be yours—viz., that I know not who else can have written 
them; and I know you never plead alibis, if I may so ex- 
press it, or conceive it is any reason why you may not do a 
twentieth thing that you have already nineteen others on 
your hands.*. As you bespeak my attention to the Tythes 
proposition (and certainly any plan of yours must claim my 
best attention), do let me beg you not to make up your mind 
hastily concerning the best mode of taking the poll in coun- 
ties. There is, I grant, one difficulty in the way of having 
the poll taken at the same time in different places—that 
which arises out of the duties and powers of the returning 
officer; still that difficulty might be got over, and then that 
plan, for a thousand reasons, is preferable to that of an am- 
bulatory sheriff. 

“JT feel strongly the evil of giving up the general assem- 
blage of the freeholders, and I should like to try to preserve 
some public meetings. But I must break off quite abruptly, 
only once more thanking you most cordially for the truly 
friendly treatment of me. I don’t know where the Duke of 
Norfolk is, but if you write to him, I beg you to express to 
him my best acknowledgments. Believe me, my dear B., 
yours most sincerely, — W. WILBERFORCE. 

“Do remember, once for all, that my direction is always 
London.” 

‘* Sandgate Street, N. Folkestone, Sept. 24, 1812. 

“ My prar B.,—I scarcely know what I wrote, or did not 

write, yesterday ; in much haste and bustle did I scribble, but 


* Tn the ‘‘ Edinburgh Review ” for July, 1812: vol. xx., art. viii., ‘‘A letter 
to H. Brougham, Esq., M.P., on the Subject of Parliamentary Reform. By 
Witu1am Roscor, Esq.”  ‘‘A letter to W. Roscoe, Esq., occasioned by his 
Letter to Mr. Brougham on: Parliamentary Reform. By J. Merritt.” 

The article Wilberforce refers to was certainly, as he guessed, written by 
me. ‘The only other article which I wrote in the same number was art. v., 
**On the Reports of the African Institution,” 


42 . ELECTION PROSPECTS. [1812. 


- I am pretty sure that I omitted to inform you, first, that I 
would write to Lord Bathurst about Parke’s “ Journal” in 
the way you suggested; and, secondly, that there is a mis- 
take, and a very mater ial one, in the statements respecting the 
expenses of my great contest. These were not above £26,000 
or £27,000, at least, under £30,000. The whole sum sub- 
scribed was about what-was stated to have been spent, about 
£56,000 to £58,000. But nearly £50 per cent. was returned to 
the subscribers, a new phenomenon in the history of elections. 
It was before nulla retrorsum. 

“T doubt, also, if I expressed as strongly as I felt it my 
sense of your kindness. I certainly did not state what I now 
do, that I wish much you would express to the Duke of Nor- 
folk how greatly I feel honored and gratified by his friendly 
countenance. I say it sincerely, not as words of course. I 
don’t think I mentioned that I was confirmed in my persua- 
sion that Lascelles intended to start for York, by his offering 
himself for Pomfret, canvassing the place, running horses at 
the races—all things very distasteful, and therefore indicative 
of his being in earnest. In short, I repeat it, I never believed 
he would offer for York, and the fear of a contest had no 
share whatever in making me resign. I will confess that I 
did once think of asking my constituents, on the ground of 
long service, to grant me a dispensation from constant attend- 
ance, authorizing me to absent myself except when county 
business or important questions should claim my attendance ; 
but this, though really very reasonable for them to grant, 
might not have appeared very decent for me to ask, so I laid 
aside the idea. 

“JT have much to say to you, both about your affairs and 
my own, and it really seems very selfish in me to be occupy- 
ing so much of your time with my concerns, when you must 
naturally be occupied with your own. But I know you are a 
contradiction to your great law about a body not occupying 
a place till a former occupier has left it, and I may act on that 
presumption. I will, however, assure oH of my best wishes 
_ for your happiness and honor. 

“May you be as great and as useful, and as great because 
truly useful, as your own heart, or they who love you best, 
can desire. J am, in extreme haste, ever yours, W. W.” 


BT. 35. ] HARL GREY. 43 


After I left the circuit I wrote as follows to Lord Grey : 


TO EARL GREY. 
“Brougham, September 10, 1812. 

“T arrived here yesterday, and leave it on Saturday, having 
thus not had one week of holiday since last October; but I 
shall have plenty soon, in all.probability. 

“Ts not Jack Calcraft’s conduct rather singular ?* After 
I had given him a full release, in consequence of what I wrote 
to you about, he wrote to refuse it, saying he considered every 
thing as on the original footing. The next time I heard from 
him was to tell me of the dissolution. I only wrote to say I 
was going to Liverpool, that my friends were sanguine, and 
that I was not. Indeed I never thought it at all likely we 
should carry two until I went there, and then the first part of 
the election damped me again. Well, I have heard nothing 
since; and two men, evidently purchasers, are returned for 
Wareham! This seems unaccountable, except on the belief 
of his pecuniary matters having suddenly taken a bad turn. 
I shall believe the best, for I am sure he meant to act well. 

* Romilly, Tierney, Lamb, etc., being out of Parliament is a 
great imputation on some of our friends. They must not 
hereafter talk of the fickleness and wrong-headedness of the 
people, nor even of the great sin of not being wholly party- 
men; for these professors of party-attachments have no sort 
of scruple to dissolve the regular Whig interest, or leave it 
with one single leader in the House of Commons, rather than 





* The Right Hon. John Calcraft of Kempsthorne, county Dorset, M. P. 
for Rochester and Wareham, born 1766, succteded to estates in county Dor- 
set, purchased by his father, who was an eminent army agent. 

In the Whig Government of 1806 Calcraft was Clerk of the Ordnance, 
and in 1828 Paymaster of the Forces in the Duke of Wellington’s Govern- 
ment from June, 1828, till November, 1830, when he was succeeded by Lord 
John Russell. 

On the second reading of the Reform Bill he voted against his party and 
for the Bill, which was at that stage carried by a majority of one; and the 
supposition that it was by his single vote fatally affected his spirits. 

His property in the district gave him the command of the borough of 
Wareham. After his death his son sat for it; but his grandson, the pres- 
ent proprietor, was beaten by his neighbor, Mr, Erle Drax, who now sits for 
Wareham. 


44 ELECTION PROSPECTS. [1812. 


forego the gratification of giving some cousin or toad-eater a 
power of franking letters! This is their love of the Whig 
cause, and the constitution and party. When it costs them 
nothing, they can profess it; but any, even the smallest sacri- 
fice, they do not care to have any thing to do with it. I hope 
I may be mistaken, but at present I see nothing in our affairs 
that does not look like a triumph of the prince, the ministers, 
and, above all, Canning, who will make his own terms with 
either side. This is more than a compensation for the great 
damage he has sustained by going to Liverpool. Believe me 
ever most sincerely yours, H. Broveuam.” 


While at Brougham I received a letter from Mr. Roscoe, 
from which the following is an extract: 


‘Liverpool, September 21, 1812. 

“My pEAR Sir,—... Yesterday we had a meeting of 
between twenty and thirty of your friends, at which Lord 
Sefton was present. It was finally resolved to- propose you 
and Creevey, as well in the expectation of putting in two 
members as for furthering your interest in case one only 
should be carried. As soon as the dissolution is announced 
you will receive a formal, and, I doubt not, you will think a 
respectable, invitation. 

“We also resolved to call a public meeting for to-day, by 
advertisement, at the great room at the Golden Lion, from 
which I am just returned. I went at ten minutes after twelve 
—the hour appointed—and found the room quite full—cer- 
tainly not much less than one thousand persons. Being called 
to the chair, I stated the determination of your friends to 
name you and Mr. Creevey. This was received with the high- 
est applause. I put you both to the show of hands, which 
was unanimous, and requested them to confirm it by three 
times three, which was vociferated in grand style. J.B. 
Yates, Martin, and Richardson addressed the meeting, which 
separated in the highest good-humor, with a few words from 
me to show themselves as ready to make their appearance at 
the hustings as they had been ready to come forward at the 
meeting. 

“In short, I can only say that every thing looks favorable 


BT. 35.] EARL GREY. 45 


to the cause. Canning is, I understand, to be one of your 
opponents, but this will neither dishearten your friends nor 
yourself. I am, my dear sir, ever faithfully yours, 

“ W. Roscor.” 


About this period the following letters passed between 
Lord Grey and me: 


FROM EARL GREY. 
‘* Howick, September 21, 1812. 

“My pear Brovenam,—lI have received your letters, with 
their accompanying inclosures. You may be assured that not 
a hint even shall escape me which can in any degree prejudice 
your interest at Liverpool. I have heard nothing more of 
Tarlton, nor do I know whether he persists in his intention of 
coming here; but I think it very probable that the rumors of 
dissolution now so generally prevalent may take him to Liver- 
pool. In the letter he wrote to me he’ said ‘that the extraor- 
dinary conduct of Brougham and Derby at Liverpool made 
him anxious to talk with me on that subject, and that he 
would come within the next ten days to Howick for that pur- 
pose. As it was necessary to say something in answer, I said 
that I should be glad to see him; that I had seen an account 
of the dinner at Liverpool, at which it did not appear that 
you had said or done any thing with a view to a new election, 
but that, if you should become a candidate, there could be no 
doubt that Derby and all the friends of Opposition must sup- 
port you against Gascoigne. I thought it best to express my- 
self in this manner, as I certainly wished to avoid wounding 
Tarlton unnecessarily. The ten days are elapsed, and I have 
heard no more. If he should come, or if he should write to 
me again so as to give me a fair opening, I could suggest as 
my own wish, which would follow naturally from what I have 
already said, the expediency of his opening a communication 
with your friends. 

“ Tf Liverpool fails, I shall be anxious to hear that you have 
a resource. Have you given up Calcraft’s seat? I see no 
reason why you should, and I will hope not. I have received 
no further communication with respect to the seat I mentioned 
to you, so I suppose the person to whom it was offered has 


46 CONTESTED ELECTION. [1812. 


accepted. I only wish to have the means pointed out to me 
by which I can be of any use, for I can assure you with the 
greatest truth there are few political events that I should la- 
ment so much as your being out of Parliament, or to prevent 
which I would use greater exertions. Many of our friends 
are, I fear, unprovided for, and amongst the rest Tierney. 
Buying seats is now out of the question, and I have come to 
the same determination as Romilly, to have nothing to do with 
any transaction of that nature. 

“‘Hvery account I receive confirms those which had reached 
me before of the determination of Government to dissolve; 
but in a letter which I received last night the king is stated 
to be so ill that this determination will probably be suspended. 
It undoubtedly would be a very awkward thing if he was to 
die before the writs are returnable, or even after the new Par- 
liament should be assembled, before any bill could be passed 
to provide against such an event. Perhaps, under all the cir- 
cumstances, there never was a moment in which dissolution 
was less to be justified. 

“T return the Princess’s letters in another cover, and also 
B.’s. Iam, dear Brougham, ever yours very truly, 

“Grey.” 


‘*Wowick, September 28, 1812. 

“My pEAR Broucuam,—Tarlton came here yesterday, and 
left us again this morning. He is going first to Lowther, and 
then to Liverpool, on account of the dissolution. 

“Thad a good deal of conversation with him, but, when all 
summed up, it does not come to much. He is naturally, after 
his contests, annoyed at the idea of another. He seems to 
think the alarm taken by the Church-and-King people and by 
the Corporation, at the attempt of Roscoe and his friends, as 
manifested at the dinner, to bring in two members, will pro- 
duce a great deal of trouble, expense, and difficulty; that they 
certainly will start a candidate whose opinions are more con- 
genial to their own; and that with this view an application 
had been made to Canning, who had answered that he was 
ready to stand if he could be insured against expense. I sug- 
gested the expediency of some communication between your 
friends and his. He professed himself personally well dis- 


AT. 35.] LIVERPOOL. 47 


posed towards it, but seemed to feel the same apprehension 
that you do of the consequence of taking any direct or public 
step for that purpose. He said naturally enough that he must 
look in the first place to his own interest; but that he should 
be glad to do any thing he could consistently with that ob- 
ject, and without prejudice to it, to assist you. Roscoe he 
seems to think very hostile personally to him. All this, as 
you will see, comes to very little, and I did not think there 
was any use in pushing the matter farther, ignorant as I am 
of the local interests, and fearful as I must be, in a case of 
this nature, of doing more harm than good. You may be as- 
sured that in all I said I took especial care to guard against 
the possibility of his supposing that I spoke with any author- 
ity from you. The suggestion I have mentioned I made as 
entirely from myself; and of you I only said, always profess- 
ing my personal anxiety for your success, that you must natu- 
rally feel gratified by the confidence and approbation of such 
a body of people as appeared to support you at Liverpool; 
that a seat offered on such terms must be acceptable to you, 
but with respect to your ultimate decision I was ignorant; 
and that it must necessarily depend upon the manner in which 
it was offered, and on the probability of success. I hope this 
was safe at least. I can not help feeling very anxious that 
your success may not be found incompatible with his. He 
has not behaved well in politics, but I must beg of you the 
same secrecy with respect to what I have said about Tarlton, 
that I shall myself observe on the same subject.” 
x x * *K XK * * 


To this I returned the following answer : 


TO EARL GREY. 
‘* Brougham, September 28, 1812. 
“My pear Lorp Grey,—lI have received your letter, and 
you may depend on my not saying a word relative to its con- 
tents. 
“We shall be dissolved in to-morrow night’s Gazette, I take 
it for granted. 
* A meeting was held on Wednesday of my leading friends 
at Liverpool. Lord Sefton attended, and they resolved that 
both Creevey and I should be started. This measure they 





48 CONTESTED ELECTION. [1812. 


describe as necessary, even if they only succeed for one of us 
(which of course would be myself). I can not enter into all 
their details, but I conclude that the connections of both the 
other candidates may have made this step requisite. 

“Yesterday a public meeting was held by advertisement, 
and at ten minutes after the hour named, when Roscoe ar- 
rived, the rooms were filled. One thousand were present; 
and they all, in one voice, adopted the nomination of me, as 
first, and Creevey to stand with me. They gave the loudest 
and most unqualified support to it. And as soon as the dis- 
solution is made public, there is to be a formal invitation, as I 
mentioned before. 

“Tt is in vain to conceal the thing from myself any longer. 
I am in for it, and accordingly I shall go through it as if it 
were a matter of life and death. There is no medium in such 
cases. I speak on the supposition, of course, that a proper 
case shall be made out. Another thing, I fear, is likely, 
though not quite so certain, viz., that each party will return 
one, and that I shall be returned with a Tory, if Iam returned 
at all. This is really painful, and I may fairly and sincerely 
say that the sitting with Canning would greatly alloy any 
gratification I might otherwise reap from it, and that the re- 
turn of Gascoigne and Zarlton, as before, would greatly alle- 
viate my disappointment. In truth, I shall feel very little, at 
any rate; for though I must go through it, @ toute outrance, 
when once committed, I shall be any thing rather than cast 
down if I fail. ; 

“Respecting Tarlton, I feel exactly as you do, liking the 
man, and heartily grieved should he be turned out. But I 
hope he perceives (if not, I should be really obliged to you to 
let him feel) how entirely. passive I am in all this. 

“Beggars must not be choosers, says the proverb; and 
when,from whatever motive, the Liverpool men set me up for 
nothing, and with infinite zeal in my favor, I really have not a 
shadow of right to prescribe whom they shall join with us. 
Let but Creevey’s case become desperate, as I have written to 
him, and if Z can by possibility show my predilection for 
Tarlton, both you and he himself may rely on my doing so. 
Could you contrive to let him know these my sentiments? and 
believe me ever yours, HY Be 


27. 35.] LIVERPOOL. 49 


TO EARL GREY. 
‘Brougham, Sept. 29, 1812. 

“ My pEAR Lorp Grry,—I am now in for it, having waited 
till the last moment, and have sent them my formal answer to 
their address, being the first word I ever spoke or wrote to 
them on the subject. Their address was certainly most re- 
spectable as to signatures. It joins Creevey with me—in or- 
der, they say, to secure me; but if all the other four stand we 
must both of us come in. You know,I presume, that Con- 
ereve, the rocket-man, stands on the prince’s interest !! This 
is really of itself an inducement to fight it. But what has 
most weighed with me is my dislike of being all at once 
thrown out of Parliament in the middle of my pursuits there ; 
and I concluded, from. your doubting if even Tierney could 
find a seat, that there was no chance for me. Indeed I have 
no possible claim. Well, now I am fairly started, and on 
Thursday I go from hence to Liverpool, being very slow to 
get there until it is necessary. I am by no means so sanguine 
as my friends there are. That the chance is fair, I admit; 
and if it fails, I don’t think I shall be much disappointed. 
Horner and Jeffrey have been here for some days. Horner 
says that Lord Lansdowne brings Abercromby in for Calne. 
I hope he will prefer Romilly, should Bristol fail. 

“ Yours sincerely, HeBY 


FROM LORD GREY. 
** Howick, Oct. 1, 1812. 

“Drar Brovenamu,—lI wish you all possible success, and 
only regret I have no means of contributing towards it; but 
I am afraid you will have a troublesome job. I have heard - 
that starting Creevey is likely to do harm; and Derby, I am 
told, is of that opinion. But the persons on the spot, and con- 
versant with the local interests, must know best. 

“A compromise such as you describe will undoubtedly be 
very disagreeable ; and, to be sure, considering the state of 
politics which has produced your popularity in a great degree 
at Liverpool, Canning seems to be an odd colleague to choose 
for you. If your merit is the attempt to reconcile America, 
what is it that recommends the man who, when Secretary of 

Vor. II..—C 


50 CONTESTED ELECTION. [1812. 


State, did all he could to produce the mischief which now 
renders conciliation so difficult ? 

“‘ All I hear leads me to believe that the ministers will lose 
more than they will gain in the new elections. Indeed I can 
not very well understand their policy in dissolving at this 
moment. Except that, you may say, though things may be 
worse for them, they can not be expected to be much better. 
Many of our friends, I am afraid, however, will be out—among 
them some of the oldest and staunchest Whigs, such as Dud- 
ley North. 

“ Pray let me hear, when you have a moment to spare, how 
you are going on. 

“ver yours most truly, GREY.” 


In the Liverpool election Grey took naturally a great in- 
terest, and was very sanguine in his expectations of success 
if we had only tried to carry one. In connection with this 
subject he wrote to me as follows: 


FROM EARL GREY. 
‘* Howick, Oct. 4, 1812. 

“Dzrar Brovcuam,—Nothing could be more gratifying to 
me than your letter. J am not good at professions, but pray 
be assured that all the feelings you express about co-opera- 
tion in politics are fully returned by me. There is no person 
with whom I feel a stronger desire to cultivate and secure 
the closest and most confidential connection, both political 
and personal, than with yourself: but enough of this. 

“It gives me great pleasure to hear that your prospects 
are so fair at Liverpool. You could not have an opponent 
against whom I should not wish you success, with very few 
exceptions indeed; but the opponent you mention will ren- 
der your triumph doubly gratifying. I suppose the prince is 
anxious to make him entirely his own. You know the draw- 
bridge and the rockets were to be the great instruments of 
security in the new park against the mob. Tarlton has given 
me an opportunity of writing to him, and I have said what 
you wished. 

* * * * tk *k * 
“T have a letter from Sir Robert Wilson from Smolensko. 


ET. 85.] LIVERFOOL. 51 


He refers me to a man who is come over, for information; of 
this, of course, by my absence from London, I am deprived ; 
but I think, in the little he does say, additional confirmation, 
if there wanted any, of the hopeless state of the Russian war. 
He speaks of their troops, however, as being excellent. His 
letter, or rather note, is dated the 14th, and of course before 
the last important events. 
“ Kver yours, GREY.” 
TO EARL GREY. 

** Liverpool, Oct. 13, 1812. 
“My pear Lorp Grrey,—The enemy fought well, and the 
result is still very doubtful. Overtures, or half-overtures, of 
accommodation have been made, but we are so desirous of 
gaining a complete victory, and of dishing Canning, that 
these have been rejected, and we are fighting it out. It may 
last ten days yet—indeed probably will, and a scrutiny after 
all. The truth is, Canning has got into a d—d scrape; he is 
dirtied all over by courting the Court mobs; and if he fails 


after all, he is much to be pitied. H. B. 
“Yesterday's Poll. 
Gannin ds CR ss vie eek. Seka K 22 
Brougham 7.00 hie ae Ce 691 
AFASCOLONO, Cee. Gee ee Ps 673 
Greate yiy seein h Wie Fo Se See 666 
Darltoniwys AS Fee Stee: 


TO EARL GREY. 
**Croxteth Park, Oct. 16, 1812. 

* My pear Lorp Grey,—lI have just come here from the 
Liverpool election, which is over at last. I could have kept it 
up a week longer, polled 150 more votes, and made the ene- 
my spend £10,000 more (he has, I suppose, spent £20,000 al- 
ready), but finding myself infinitely popular with both parties, 
from my manner of conducting it, and preserving the peace 
of the town in an unprecedented manner (which they ascribe 
wholly to me), and having not a shadow of chance of beating 
them, they being already 200 ahead, and having as many un- 
polled as I had, I gave in with a good grace at 12 to-day; 


52 CONTESTED ELECTION. [1812. 


and have had the sarisFaction of being assured by the ene- 
my how happy they would have been to return me, if we had 
rested satisfied with one. I do not regret our taking the 
other choice; we run them amazingly hard. On Sunday last 
they would have compromised; on Monday they thought 
themselves quite beaten, and on Tuesday; but on Wednes- 
day things looked up, though Gascoigne only passed me yes- 
terday at one o’clock. The fact is, they all renewed their 
subscriptions, and said if £50,000 were required they were 
resolved to do it. They gave twenty and thirty guineas a 
vote, and the thing was done. Our friends have not spent 
£8000, and sums are still flowing in from all parts; £400 
only an hour ago,came from Glasgow, and as much from 
Hull, and the Birmingham folks swear that they will duy me 
a seat, but of course this is a way of speaking. Indeed, if I 
cared much for popularity, I may well be gratified, for never 
was any body so supported, and the enemy has only the 
votes; they who polled against us crying out to us that their 
hearts were with us, but they dared not. The starting two 
inflamed and combined our adversaries, and made the two 
parties (Corporation and Tories), with a large secession from 
the Whigs, unite against us. The miracle is our having made 
such a fight; and they look gloomy on their own victory, be- 
cause they know to what they owe it. 

“You can have no idea of the nature of a Liverpool elec- 
tion ; it is quite peculiar to the place. You have every night 
to go to the different clubs, benefit societies, etc., which meet 
and speechify. This is from half-past six to one in the morn- 
ing at least; and you have to speak to each man who polls, 
at the bar, from ten to jive. It lasted eight days. I began 
my canvass three whole days before, and had nine nights of 
the clubs, besides a regular speech each day at close of the 
poll. I delivered in that time 160 speeches and odd; and 
yesterday and to-day, after being beaten, I rallied, and de- 
livered regular speeches to the whole multitude. I had to 
close with one above an hour long, so you may guess how 
exhausted I am, especially as I never saw a popular election 
before, and knew nothing of it. 

“The exploits of the Whigs were my chief subjects, and I 
flatter myself I have done much to reclaim the people there. 


ee 


mr. 25.] LIVERPOOL. - 58 


Yesterday I preached on Pitt’s conduct and immorality, 
which was prodigiously well received; and to-day I con- 
cluded with a long profession of adherence to Fox and his 
friends, with reasons, etc., which was far better taken than I 
had expected by the people: indeed, perfectly well received, 
and most extremely well by the upper classes. These two 
things, being, of course, the only things I took any pains 
with, will be put in the paper, and you'll see them. As to 
any proceeding of a more violent nature, our party had so 
much the possession of the town, after the first day, that 
there was no facing us; some scufiles occurred afterwards, 
but except a throwing of stones (in which young Roscoe and 
I had narrow escapes), we never were in any danger: some 
few accidents happened, two or three men being killed, and 
others severely cut and wounded, but all who knew Liverpool 
formerly say nothing was ever seen so quiet at an election 
there. The enemy had a disposition to row me personally, 
and set a broken slave-captain on me, who acted at Canning’s 
bar, but he found it would not do, and retreated. A man of 
more respectable description was also set on me, and in con- 
sequence of my treating him loudly on the hustings, sent me 
a letter which reached me just as I was beginning my speech ; 
but having a friend who had joined me here for the purpose, 
I sent him to say I did not seek a quarrel, but I had not the 
least wish to avoid one, which produced an ample written 
apology. These things are, of course, between ourselves, es- 
pecially the last, as the man is in the Customs, and I should 
not wish to injure him, believing him to have been set on. 

**So now you have as accurate an idea of the humors of the 
election as if you had seen them, and at a small cost. The 
zeal of our friends is inconceivable, and in some cases melan- 
choly ; one has been in confinement, having actually gone 
mad; several others have ruined themselves ; and they have 
already formed a committee, etc., for bringing me in next va- 
cancy, but we expect no opposition. 

“In the mean time I am fairly out of Parliament, which is 
rather absurd after all that has happened. Calcraft has never 
written a line to me, which is odd; but he probably reckoned 
on my coming in here. JI am far more concerned for Romilly, 
and of course you must be annoyed about Tierney. You 


54 CONTESTED ELECTION. T asi2: 


should write to Lord Thanet, for he seems to have a place 
kept open; at least so my brother tells me, who conducted it 
for him at Appleby, and was chaired for old Courtney, who, 
he says, is only a stop-gap. Lord Thanet, I know, is favorably 
disposed towards Tierney, and likes him. 

“As for William Lamb and Horner, I regret it not; the for- 
mer does not do much good, and the latter has no chance of 
living unless he is kept perfectly quiet. This I am sure of, 
having had him with me nearly a week before I came here, 
and observed his illness. 

“For myself, I can, now that I am out, seriously say, what 
I wrote to you before it happened, and when my chance was 
not so bad, that it does not grieve me verymuch. Don’t you 
think I received in one hour sufficiently bad news—Romilly’s 
losing Bristol, my own loss of Wareham, my failure at Liv- 
erpool, and the final rupture with America? I assure you, 
speaking under such circumstances was no pleasant concern. 
Excuse all these personal details; but I know how great an 
interest you take in me. Ever most faithfully yours, 

“HH. Brouguam.” 


Although, as I said to Lord Grey, I did not much grieve at 
the Liverpool defeat, I could not but feel that I had been en- 
tirely sacrificed to Roscoe’s absurd obstinacy in attempting to 
carry two members, when he well knew that the only time the 
party had ever succeeded in this was when he himself sat for 
a few months under the Grenville Government, and that he 
had never ventured to stand again after that Government 
was turned out the next session. The result of the Liverpool 
people following his most silly advice was, that I was kept 
out of Parliament three sessions, when, an accident having put 
a seat at Lord Darlington’s disposal, I was returned for Win- 
chelsea in his interest, and this seat I held for fourteen years, 
and then gat in the Duke of Devonshire’s interest for Knares- 
borough until I was returned on my own interest for York- 
shire. 


zr. 35.] FOREIGN RELATIONS. 55 


CHAPTER XI. 
HOME AND FOREIGN POLITICS. 


Correspondence on Foreign Relations.—America and Spain.—Trial of the 
Hunts.—The Luddites.—Trial at York.—An Accident.—The Peninsular 
War.—The Great Battles on the Elbe. —Home Politics.—Impressment. 
The Continent.—Bernadotte’s Designs.—Holland.— Hogendorp.— Ma- 
dame de Staél,—Lady Holland.—The Allied Armies across the Rhine.— 
Home Politics.—Lord Cochrane, Burdett, and Dog Dent.—Perry of the 
‘* Morning Chronicle.”’—The Continent.—Occupation of Paris by the Al- 
lies. —Congress of Vienna.—Napoleon.—The French, and their Oblivion 
of him.—Possible Fate of his Successor.—Visit to Paris. —Trave]ling com- 
pared with later Visits to Cannes,—Wellington.—The Institute.—La 
Place.—A Conference with Carnot.—Anecdotes of the Revolution and 
the Empire. 





Grey had always a less favorable opinion of the Americans 
than Baring, who was far from being too favorable to them. 
In the first letter he wrote after the Liverpool election was 
over he thus expressed himself: 


FROM EARL GREY. 


** Howick, October 20, 1812. 

“My prar Brovenam,—I last night received your letter 
of Friday last. I was by the previous accounts prepared to 
expect the event which it announces, but by no means recon- 
ciled to it; but it is useless to occupy time and paper in vain 
regrets. Your exclusion from the House of Commons, if it 
is to continue, I shall consider as an irreparable loss both to 
your friends and to the public, and nothing must be left unat- 
tempted to prevent so great an evil. As far as my efforts 
can be of any avail, you know they will not be wanting; but 
you know, also, how unsuccessful they have been in a case in 
which I was no less interested than yourself. However, after 
Parliament meets, perhaps some unexpected opening may 
present itself, and you may be assured it will not be neglected 
by me. From your account, the exertions required in a Livy- 
erpool contest are such as few people could make. 


56 HOME AND FOREIGN POLITICS. [1s12. 


“JT always fancied you were too sanguine about America. 
Knowing the disposition of that Government, I dreaded the 
effect of their being possessed of the evidence given before 
the two Houses; and for this the ministers are deeply re- 
sponsible. In truth, théy will have but a sorry budget to lay 
before the new Parliament. Russia, Lord Cathcart’s letters, 
and even the state of Spain itself, or I am greatly mistaken, 
will, before these matters come to be discussed, throw a terri- 
ble gloom over the success of Salamanca. This Castle of 
. Burgos has already cost us above 1000 men, and will probably 
cost us as many more before it falls, even if the French do not 
fight for it, which I think highly probable, as they have an 
effective force at Pancorbo of 30,000 men; and if they are 
aware of the nature of ours, which contains only about 11,000 
British, I think they will certainly try fortune in another field. 
I have very detailed and intelligent accounts from the army, 
from which I think you would conclude that if Bonaparte 
himself were there, or even if the armies in Spain were under 
one direction, there can not be the slightest doubt of their 
having even now, in the Peninsula, sufficient means to compel 
us to sabandon the country. These accounts also state the 
greatest distress for want of money, which is productive of 
such evils that, if any thing should happen to Lord Welling- 
ton, I am inclined to bélieve we should very soon retire from 
our present advanced positions, though no very active exer- 
tions are made by the enemy. 

“Lady Grey desires to be very kindly remembered to you. 
I wish we could hope, now that your electioneering is over, 
that you would execute your promised scheme of making an 
excursion over the hills to Howick. 

“ Kver yours most truly, Grey.” 

“P.S.—I have some strong grounds for suspecting that 
Moira is going to India.” 


Like Lord Grey, Horner had been very sanguine, and firm- 
ly persuaded that I should succeed at Liverpool: the failure 
was a great disappointment to him, and that he felt it deeply 
is evident from the following letter, for Horner was not of a 
very demonstrative nature, and rar ely g gaye vent to his feelings 
either in words or writing: 


ZT. 35.] HOME AND FOREIGN. POLITICS. 57 


FROM FRANCIS HORNER, ESQ. 
‘‘Lincoln’s Inn, October 21, 1812. 

“My pEAR Brouauam,—tThe event at-Liverpool is a bitter 
and painful disappointment, for which I was not in the least 
prepared, having brought myself to consider your return at 
least as almost certain. Added to Romilly’s defeat, it is in- 
deed a most mortifying event to all those who care for the 
public concerns; to me for every reason, public and private. 
I look upon it as ascertained beyond a question that your 
failure is owing entirely to the indiscretion of forcing Creevey 
with you; another instance, in addition to a thousand, of that 
wrong-headed, impracticable want of judgment which is so 
often exemplified in those who are the most earnest friends of 
liberty, but which in no other instance has been attended with 
such fatal and mischievous consequences to the interests of 
that cause. For after all that passed last summer, and still 
more since you were induced to try Liverpool, it was of 
the last importance to the popular and true Whig interests 
that you should have been successful. And now my anxiety 
is turned to your other prospects of a seat in the new Parlia- 
ment, which I trust are satisfactory. Wareham, I see, is filled 
up, but perhaps not without a condition in your favor. If 
that is out of the question now, the Jockey appears to have 
innumerable seats; and he might gain immortal honor with 
the country by appropriating two of them to Romilly and you. 
I shall be very impatient till I hear that some arrangement, 
perfectly agreeable to yourself, is made for you. 

Ever sincerely yours, Tra. Horner.” 


Before the end of October I left Brougham, in order that I 
might pay a visit to Whitbread and Lady Elizabeth before 
my November work in London began. On the road I wrote 
as follows to Lord Grey: 


TO EARL GREY. 


“*Greeta Bridge, October 24, 1812. 
“My pear Lorp Grey,—I received your very kind and 
friendly letter before I set out from Brougham, and I also re- 
ceived some from town which contain intelligence that I am 
C2 


“¢ 


58 STATE OF PARTIES. [1812. 


sure will be agreeable to you, if you have not already heard it. 
Romilly tells me he has a seat in his power, but has not de- 
termined whether to come in or not. I have written most 
strongly to urge it, and Horner also is to be brought in. Of 
William Lamb I hear nothing new; but George was at our 
house while I was at Liverpool, and he said that there was a 
prospect of a seat for William through the Duke of Devon- 
shire. In short, my view of the prospects of the party is not 
half so gloomy as it was some days ago, and I guess that our 
borough-owning friends are disposed to behave better than 
they seemed likely when I last wrote. As to my own case, it 
is quite a different one, and I have no claims with those who 
abhor reform—which, by-the-way,-I am so far from over- 
rating, that I never yet have said any thing about it. Your 
urging any thing in my behalf in those quarters without the 
possibility of serving me would only expose yourself to odi- 
um on my account, and might injure that influence over the 
party which it is of the utmost consequence that you should pos- 
sess unimpaired. If Tierney, Romilly, etc., are all safe (which 
seems now pretty certain), I can very easily be spared. Ex- 
cuse my freedom of speech; but I really wish to avoid above 
every thing getting you into any difficulty on my account. 

“The ministers have a pleasant kind of session before them, 
and their money matters are likely to be the pleasantest part 
of it. The want of specie in Spain is said to be dreadful, and 
I can not help thinking, upon the whole, that Lord Wellesley 
must soon pay a visit to Portugal again. When the ministers 
dissolved to injure Canning and Wellesley, they reckoned with- 
out their host, for it has greatly increased their numbers. 
They say they have twenty-two in the House of Commons. 
Canning told me that four seats had been given to them, of 
which they had not the slightest expectation. He said, ‘Zo 
me—that is,to Wellesley and me, and talked as if their union 
was quite complete. He,as well as Charles Ellis and Lord 
Granville Leveson, seemed to prize their late accession in Ward 
very highly, and I could not help giving them warning that 
they might not have a long lease with him. 

“Sir William Manners will, if I mistake not, get himself 
into a scrape. He goes about openly talking of having sold 
three seats for £18,000, so that nothing is easier than to bring 


7. 85. ] THE OPPOSITION. 59 


an action against him. This I knew before, but Lord Lons- 
dale having spoken of it very significantly yesterday, shows me 
that people have their eyes on it. I think, after all, that it 
is a bad kind of. business, now the law is made. It is quite 
as bad as usury, which people are apt to think discreditable, 
though there is but one opinion as to the usury laws. 

“Tam much obliged to you for the solicitude you express 
as to my alarm. The alarming symptoms arose from heat, 
nor am I quite sure that it was groundless, but, having a con- 
stitution of extreme strength, I threw it off, and though left 
somewhat exhausted, am in perfect health, and ready in a few 
days to go through twice as much as I did last winter; but 
I am travelling by slow journeys, to make quite sure of being 
well. Most sincerely and faithfully, 

’ “Wenry Broucnam.” 


TO EARL GREY. 


**Temple, November 25, 1812. 
“My pear Lorp Grey,—Hunt’s trial comes on about the 
middle of the week after next, and they are in some conster- 
nation at Carlton House. Two several attempts have been 
made to buy him off, but of course in vain; one of them came 
almost directly from Macmahon soon after the trial, put off 
last July. I feel somewhat anxious about the verdict, but am 
* full of confidence as to the defense, and its effects all over the 
country. It will be a thousand times more unpleasant than 

the libel. Believe me most truly yours, 
“H. Brovecuam.” 


TO EARL GREY. 


““Temple, Dec. 8, 1812—4 o'clock. 
“My pear Lorp Grey,—As I conclude Hunt’s trial in- 
terests you, I write to say that it came on this morning at 
nine.* A full special jury of twelve was procured with in- 
finite pains, and great bustle and interest excited in town 
about it. The prosecution was conducted by Garrow (Solic- 
itor-General), and defense by me. Garrow reserved himself 





* The trial of John Hunt, and of Leigh Hunt (the poet and essayist), on a 
charge of libel on the Prince Regent in the ‘‘ Examiner,” 


60 STATE OF PARTIES. : _[isie. 


in & way quite new, and very cowardly, saying ten words and 
waiting for me, so that all he said was in reply. I fired for 
two hours very close and hard into the prince—on all points, 
public and private—and in such a way that they cowld not 
find any opening to break in upon, and were therefore pre- 
vented from interrupting me. They tried twice early, but 
Ellenborough, losing temper, fell into a gross error and was 
fairly beaten, which gave me the rest of the day pretty easy. 
In summing up, he attacked me with a personal bitterness 
wholly: unknown in a court, and towards a counsel—who, you 
know, is presumed, of course, to speak his client’s sentiments 
—most gross and unjustifiable. All the profession are with 
me, and he is either in a scrape, or next door to it. He 
coarsely hinted at Lord Holland’s having had a Cabinet place, 
though convicted of adultery, by way of showing that the 
prince is not more immoral than his father. In short, he is 
quite exposed. After all his fury, the jury, to his infinite as- 
tonishment, hesitated, and then withdrew. I was obliged to 
leave the court to attend a consultation elsewhere in another 
cause, so don’t know the result, but there is scarcely a chance. 
I have heard a report of the verdict being soon after given, 
of guilty; but the retiring is of itself really a victor y in the 
circumstances. 
“ Ever yours truly, Ul. BRovuGHAM. 
**5 o'clock. 

“P.S.—Accounts just received that in twenty or twenty- 
five minutes (passed by ane court in great agitation) they 
found us guilty.” 


TO EARL GREY. 


“* December 16, 1812. 
“My pear Lorp Grey,—..... The news about Bona- 
parte, though probably much exaggerated, is certainly very 
important; and the Continent being open to trade, a vast 
spring is suddenly given to it.* Sugar is up, from 49s. to 
70s.; and even coffee is rising. I fear no ultimate good will 
come of these things. We shall be mad enough once more to 


* In reference to the retreat from Moscow. Napoleon left the remainder 
of his army ten days before the date of the letter. 


ZT. 35.] THE OPPOSITION. 61 


put Bonaparte in the right. We shall not have the sense to 
offer peace; and he, having sixty millions of subjects, may 
easily raise half a million more men. Even were he killed or 
taken (which I don’t expect), we should hear of nothing but 
Bourbons. Add to which, the prince and his advisers will go 
mad, and be above every control, unless to-day’s advertise- 
ment of ‘The Book’ keeps him in order. It certainly comes 
rather apropos.* 

I am much obliged to you for your kind wishes. If any 
thing should come in my way soon, I should certainly jump 
at it. What frame of mind I may be in at the next dissolu- 
tion, I really can’t tell, for time and other pursuits change one’s 
taste, and one’s capacity not less, and I may then have no 
fancy for either Liverpool or the Westminster patriots. 

“T mean to try my profession for a couple of years longer 
in town; and if I find I succeed, well; if I don’t get on a vast 
deal better than I have done during the last two years, I am 
not quite so young as to continue leading a disagreeable and 
unprofitable life in London, when I might enjoy more profit 
and a thousand times more ease in the country, confining my- 
self to my circuit, on which I am pretty secure of success. 

* Believe me ever yours most truly, 
“HW. Brovenam.” 


* “The Book complete, being the whole of the Depositions on the Investi- 
gation of the Conduct of the Princess of Wales, before Lords Erskine, Spencer, 
Grenville, and Ellenborough.” The original materials for ‘‘ The Book,” 
which ‘appeared from 1812 downward in various shapes, was believed to be 
the documents privately printed for the use of the prince and his advisers in 
1807. Though great pains were taken to repress the circulation of these 
documents, some got into private hands, and found their way to speculative 
publishers. ‘‘ One editor of a newspaper was said to have obtained £1500 
for his copy; and several other copies were bought up at £500, £750, and 
similar sums. The Chancellor, in 1808, had issued an injunction against one 
editor, who declared that he possessed a copy, and would publish it. He was 
restrained under a penalty of £5000, and afterwards sold his copy for an enor- 
mous sum.”—Lloyd, Mem. of Geo. IV., 306. 

In an article on ‘‘ George IV. and Queen Caroline” (‘‘ Contributions to 
Edinburgh Review,” i., 465), Lord Brougham says: ‘‘ There is no doubt 
whatever that ‘ The Book,’ written by Mr. Perceval, and privately printed at 
his house under Lord Eldon’s superintendence and his own, was prepared in 
concert with the King, and was intended to sound the alarm against Carlton 
House and the Whigs, when a still more favorable opportunity of making a 
breach with the latter unexpectedly offered itself in the Catholic question.” 


62 STATE OF PARTIES. [1813, 


In the spring of 1812 there were great disturbances in 
many of the manufacturing districts in Yorkshire, particu- 
larly in the neighborhood of Leeds, Sheffield, and Hudders- 
field. The introduction and extension of machinery in many 
of the cloth-mills had created an apprehension among the 
hand-workers that they would be thrown out of employment. 
They collected in large gangs under the name of Luddites, 
and made furious attacks upon the mills where the obnoxious 
machinery had been introduced. The mills were in many 
cases garrisoned by the men who remained true to their mas- 
ters; and these, being well armed, succeeded in many cases 
in effectually repelling the insurgents, some of whom were 
killed, and many severely wounded, in the attacks. One of 
the most violent of the attempts was made upon the mill of 
a Mr. Cartwright, near Huddersfield. The mill was success- 
fully defended, but at the expense of many lives on both 
sides. The military had been called out, and in some places 
did considerable execution among the rioters, many of whom 
were killed. But such proceedings, far from putting a stop 
to the outrages, had rather a tendency to make the rioters 
pause in their system of machine-breaking, and resort to acts 
of personal violence. Thus,a Mr. Trentham was shot by two 
ruffians in passing from his manufactory to his house; Mr. 
Horsfall, a large manufacturer, was shot dead from behind 
a wall as he was returning home from Manchester — with 
many outrages of a like nature. 

Late in the autumn, the Government began to take some 
notice of these violent proceedings, and before the end of 
December a special commission was sent to York, to try such 
of the Luddites as had been taken up and committed by the 
magistrates. It was my fate to be retained on the part of 
some of the accused parties, and accordingly I proceeded to 
York at Christmas. After the trials were over I wrote as 
follows to Lord Grey: 





TO EARL GREY. 


“¢ York, January 12, 1813. 
“Drar Lorp Grey,—I am just setting off, as the business 
here is finishing. They are now passing sentence on the con- 
Victs. 


ZT. 35.] THE OPPOSITION. 63 


“There have been several acquittals since I last wrote, and 
several convictions ; but as the facts were clearly proved of 
outrages, etc., the results of the trials were only interesting to 
the individuals, and could prove nothing more than whether 
they had or not a share in acts clearly proved to have been 
committed by somebody ; therefore I need not trouble you 
further as to the details than to observe that considerably 
more were acquitted than we had expected. 

“As to the material point, of what-ié all was, the opinion I 
gather from all I have seen in public and private is shortly 
this: That the apprehension of being ruined by being thrown 
out of work in consequence of machinery (shears), excited 
numbers of the croppers (who cut the cloth by hand) to de- 
stroy the machinery ; that some of the masters may possibly 
have been encouragers of them; that, to effect this, they did 
not form any very regular association, but did certainly asso- 
ciate in considerable numbers ; that we have no traces of the 
oaths among these men, except ordinary oaths to keep certain 
acts secret after they were committed ; and that these acts of 
violence (130 to 150 being present on one occasion) were con- 
fined to Huddersfield and seven or eight miles round it—I 
might perhaps rather say one mile. There was little or noth- 
ing done after April; the defense of Cartwright’s mill and 
the murder of Horsfall, followed by the introduction of the 
military, suspended the riots, at least for a time. Meantime 
a pretty severe example has been made by the judges here, 
for, three days ago, three of the four murderers of Horsfall 
were hung in front of York Castle ; and fourteen of the riot- 
ers will be executed to-morrow or next day. This is whole- 
sale work with a vengeance ! 

“ Kyver truly yours, m I. Broveam.” 


TO EARL GREY. 
“Temple, July 17, 1813. 
“Dear Lorp Grey,—I rather write now for the purpose 
of telling you that I know nothing of what is going on, than 
in order to give you any information. I have only been twice 
to the westward of Charing Cross since the day I dined with 
you at Lord Rosslyn’s. One of the times was to see Lord 
Thanet, who was in town some wecks ago; and I am ex- 


64 STATE OF PARTIES. [1813. 


tremely glad to tell you I never saw him better. His recov- 
ery is really one of the very few satisfactory circumstances in 
these bad times. She has, it is said, had a fausse couche, 
which is entertaining enough. 

“The people in this place have been crazy about the late 
victory, and will probably not come to their senses till Lord 
Wellington begins in November to fall back towards Portu- 
gal, which, I presume, a peace in the North, or even, without 
that, a refitting of his artillery, etc., from the dépéot at Thou- 
louse, is very likely to occasion at the usual season.* In the 
mean time the prince is resolved to snatch a little popularity 
for his own share, and has got up a dinner at Vauxhall for 
the purpose. I hear it is currently reported that the princess 
has intimated her intention of going, which has thrown them 
all into the greatest consternation. What truth there may be 
in it I can’t pretend to say, not having seen her for these two 
months, and only had any correspondence when some matter 
relating to her business required it. 

“JT take the most gloomy view possible of public affairs, 
being sure that the more melancholy one’s forebodings are 
they are always the more likely to be realized. I presume 
that the Crown never was so entirely freed from an Opposi- 
tion since the Revolution ; and with all the honesty which is 
to be found scattered up and down among our friends, there 
is one thing which they seem unanimous in refusing, and that 
is, to hold together in a compact mass against the Govern- 
ment. Truly things may be said to be desperate when the 
most unpopular king since James II., at the most alarming 
crisis, is able to do exactly what he pleases, and by whom. 
We owe it to his forbearance that Macmahon and Tyrwhitt 
are not appointed lord high treasurer and lord high admiral ; 
indeed they would be probably better than Vansittart and 
Melville, which may be one reason for their not being ap- 
pointed. 

“T can’t help being mortified (perhaps more than I should 
if I had been more aware of the particulars) at seeing the 
Duke of Devonshire, who is a more independent man than the 
prince, led away by ‘a fiddle and bowl of punch’ (as the lower 


* ‘The late victory,” battle of Vittoria. 


ZT, 95. | THE OPPOSITION. 65 


people say), and dangling at Carlton House. I wish there 
may be no reason to suspect that they are going to make a 
great fool of him; but I have heard odd things, and he may be 
very sure that if he leaves his party, and has the smallest idea 
of marrying into the family, the ‘bourgeois gentilhomme’ (as 
Lord Thanet justly calls him) will turn round upon him, and 
bid him recollect that there is some difference between their 
stations. 

“Tf there is reason for croaking about the Cavendishes, I 
own that I am a thousand times more mortified when any 
thing is imputed to a far better breed—the Russells. The 
reason given for giving up the sheep-shearing at Woburn has, 
I understand, seriously injured the Duke of Bedford’s popu- 
larity, which I consider to be a great national calamity. He 
could not probably state the true reason—the expense; ‘and 
certainly it would not have done to put the saddle on the right 
horse, and said, ‘The duchess’s cottage requires this further 
sacrifice; but I heartily wish he had said nothing at all. 
Whatever hurts the party in their hereditary heads is beyond 
measure detrimental to the cause of Opposition, which, the 
more hopeless it becomes, should be the more endeared to its 
well-wishers. 

_ “T may very likely be too desponding, but you are the only 
person in the world to whom I can get out my croak, more 
especially upon the last-mentioned point. It is wrong to 
allow the case to be hopeless while there is life. 
“Believe me ever yours most sincerely, 
“H, BrovcHam.” 


TO EARL GREY. 
York, August 8, 1813. 
*Dran Lorp Grey,—I quite agree with you as to the 
views of Canning being in office, of course. My only differ- 
ence is (and I admit it to be a dangerous ground of arguing 
in such cases), that I can’t conceive any rapacity for office 
being so great as to make him ruin his character, and run the 
great risk of ruinihg his prospects also, by seeking a place the 


moment after throwing off his incumbrances. That the meas- — 


ure was meant to clear away obstacles, and to bring him into 
office in the long run, is plain enough. 


66 STATE OF PARTIES. [18158, 


“The Speaker’s last exhibition is quite capital, and I hope 
will not be forgotten. The Catholic part of it is most promi- 
nent, but I know not that it is the basest. What think you 
of his having the face to speak of Vansittart’s plan as acceler- 
ating the payment of the debt, when Vansittart himself, in his 
printed statement, allows that it will retard it at the rate of 
a hundred millions in the next ten years, and, in truth, only 
defends it by the impossibility of raising more taxes! His 
anxiety to get the privilege question over last session in the 
Lords convinced me he was going to leave his place. He 
made many applications to us for that purpose, not wishing to 
petition the Lords himself. Yours ever, HH, B2? 


TO EARL GREY. 
** August 20, 1813. 

“Dear Lorp Grey,—I am infinitely obliged to you for 
your kind inquiries respecting my accident, which turns out 
next to nothing.* I have had no fever, and no suppuration 
from the wound, owing, I believe, to the great bleeding at the 
time and my good habit of body. I have not lost my eye; 
and though the scalp was cut from the skull for a space ex- 
tending from the middle of the forehead round to the ear, and 
including half of the eyelid (though this was not cut through), 
it has healed by the first intention. My left arm remains 
nearly useless for the present, whether owing to a wrench or 
to the havoc among the nerves of the head I can’t tell; but 
Mr. Horner—who is so skillful a person that it is almost worth 
having a hurt to see him operate—don’t think it material. In 
a word, I am as good as new, and have only had the pain and 
inconvenience to complain of. I expect to leave this to-mor- 
row or next day, and to rejoin the circuit at Carlisle. 

“TY almost wish I were ill enough to have an excuse for 
leaving it and going to Howick, which strongly tempts me, 
but in reality I have no such excuse. 

“T have no news from town, except that the prince, at 
Brighton, associates wholly with his select set—Yarmouth, 


v 





* In going to Carlisle from Newcastle my carriage was turned over, and, 
in falling, the thick plate-glass of the side window broke upon my head, cut- 
ting it across the forehead and eye right to the bone of the skull. 


ET. 35. ] FOREIGN POLITICS. 67 


Lord Fife, Lord Lowther, ete. — and never spoke to Lord 
Holland. 
“ Remember me to all at Howick, particularly my compan- 
ion in distress, Lord Robert, whose accident I am extremely 
sorry to hear of. I hope he was blooded. 
“Yours ever most truly, H. Broveuam.” 
TO EARL GREY. ; 

‘*Benton, August 22, 1813. 

“My pEAr Lorp Grey,—At length I am allowed to go 
out, and to leave this to-morrow, though I verily believe I 
might have travelled in all safety three days ago. I hope 
Lord Robert has felt no inconvenience from his fall. The 
forts don’t fall, and Soult isin force. It seems highly probable 
that we shall be soon attacked again, unless Soult can count 
upon the forts holding out till November, in which case he 
may remain quiet, and reckon upon our retreating at the 
usual time. 

“The chief interest seems again to be transferred to Ger- 
many, where it appears that the armistice is at an end. But 
I can’t quite believe the prodigious news in to-day’s ‘Chroni- 
cle’ of Austria declaring war onthe 10th; at least on Perry’s 
evidence it is quite incredible, for Bernadotte’s bulletin of the 
13th takes no notice of Austria at all. The news seems to 
come from Gottenborg, and no other quarter ; and, to say the 
least, is not probable. If Bonaparte has chosen to have Aus- 
tria against him too, it will show great confidence in his troops 
and positions, and must proceed from calculation of the Al- 
lied force somewhat different from ours, which are indeed 
manifestly gross exaggerations. It is useless, as well as end- 
less, to speculate in such a state of things; but 7f he really 
drives Austria to the side of the Allies, it must be because 
her demands were nearly as high as she can hope to carry by 
beating him. Suppose she has said, Retire from Germany, 
and get behind the Rhine, and give up Italy and Holland, or 
even Italy without Holland; for to speak of Holland being 
independent while Belgium is thoroughly French is prepos- 
terous. He may naturally enough think that he can retreat 
upon some such project, after a kind of drawn campaign, or 
even after having the worst of it. No one can count upon 


68 CORRESPONDENCE. [1818, 


such an army as his being routed when frost is out of the 
question, and I don’t believe even the ‘ Morning Post,’ or the 
very regent himself, dreams of attacking France; so that, 
upon the whole, we are as usual laying in stores of disappoint- 
ment, upon the most favorable supposition, to say nothing 
of the chance of his beating them ally and making separate 
peaces, which I suppose a man had better be hanged at once 
than drop a hint of. 

“Pray give my best remembrances and respects to both the 
Lady Greys, and to Lady Robert e tuti quanti. 

‘“‘ My accident leaves me, after all, a good deal cut up, some 
parts of my head and face being tender, and others quite 
numbed and dead, which is far more disagreeable than the 
pain. But I really must say for this country that it has a 
most uncommon treasure in Mr. Horner, who exceeds any 
thing I ever saw for neatness of hand, besides being very clev- 
er and sensible. To be sure, he lives in a district where half 
the population, I suppose, pass through the hospital every 
year, and part of the remainder die on the way to it. I have 
been much indebted to the Brigges for their great kindness on 
this occasion ; they are excellent people, both politically and 
privately. Yours ever truly, 

“H. Brovenam.” 


TO EARL GREY. 


‘* Brougham, September AL ASISs 

“ My prar Lorp Grey,—I have just heard with the great- 
est concern of your having had the scarlet fever at Howick, 
aud I am extremely anxious to hear that it has done no mis- 
chief. 

I know a good deal of that damnable disease, both from 
having had it myself twice,and from several of our family 
having had it in the worst possible shape. I have attended a 
good deal to the subject of cold affusion, and I beg of you to 
urge your medical men by all means to try it. They some- 
times are afraid, but vaccination is not more demonstrably 
certain. Romilly’s eldest daughter was saved by it. My 
sister I saw literally restored to life by it. She had been 
given over, and was thought to be actually gone, when the 
medical man ordered cold air to be let inupon her. This was 


ZT. 36. ] BARL GREY. 69 


long before the practice had become common; in Romilly’s 
case it was by the more powerful application of cold water, 
applied again and again all over the body, tillit brought down 
the pulse and heat. 

“ You should use the ordinary precautions against infection 
yourself, and Lady Grey also, although adults are not by any 
means g0 subject to it. Ifyou feel any thing queer, an emetic 
is an excellent preventive, checking the infection even where 
it has been taken. 

“T shall be very glad when I hear for certain that you are 
relieved. Living at Howick I should really have thought a 
security against such a visitation, and I am willing to hope it 
will be less.severe on that account 

“Pray give my best remembrances to Lady Grey, and be- 
lieve me ever most sincerely yours, 

“H. BroucHaM,” 


FROM LORD GREY. 


** Wowick, September 26, 1813. 

“My pear Brovenam,—I am most truly obliged to you for 
dhe kind anxiety you express about me. I have indeed had a 
great alarm from the breaking-out of the scarlet fever. Two 
only of the younger boys and two or three of the servants 
have had it decidedly. One or two of the other children had 
all the incipient symptoms of sore throat, etc., but the early 
use of an emetic either checked the disorder or entirely pre- 
vented it, as they recovered without fever or any other incon- 
venience. One of the boys was handled severely, and though 
the disorder itself is over, does not recover as he ought to do, 
and still has a nasty fever hanging about him. In general 
the character of the disease has been very mild. It has been, 
and still is, very prevalent in the neighborhood, but only one 
person has died of it—a woman, who would not be persuaded 
that it was not the itch, and, in spite of all that could be said 
to her, rubbed herself with a mercurial ointment, which finished 
her in a very few hours. 

“Upon the first appearance of this infection I removed 
Lady Grey and the girls to Falloden, and the boys to Mr. 
Anderson’s, staying here myself to watch the sick, as I have 
had the scarlet fever, and consider myself as proof against it. 


70 CORRESPONDENCE. [1813. 


When the infection appeared to be stopped, I sent those who 
had had it away, and, after well ventilating and fumigating 
the house, have brought back the rest of my family to their 
old quarters; and here they are now, all quite well. 

“JT have seen a very full and distinct account, from a person 
present, of the operations before Dresden, and the subsequent 
retreat of the Allied armies. It forms a perfect contrast with 
Lord Cathcart’s statement of the same transactions, and goes 
very far, indeed, to confirm the French bulletins. Indeed, al- 
lowing for a little exaggeration as to numbers, and even this 
is not so great as I should have expected, the latter appear to 
be substantially correct. The information to which I refer 
states that the Peterwald and Freiburg roads were intercept- 
ed; that the retreat of the various columns on this account 
was more difficult; that they lost several thousand carriages 
and some guns, not less than 30,000 men, including sick and 
prisoners; and that if they had delayed a few hours longer 
before Dresden, their retreat would have been impossible. 
As it was, they seem to have escaped a more severe loss by 
the persevering resistance of Count Osterman, and the error 
committed by Vandamme, which is represented exactly as Bog 
naparte states it. His corps lost, as he acknowledges, all their 
cannon, with the Prussian guns, which they had before taken, 
and about 10,000 men, including the wounded; the remain- 
der completely licked Kleist’s corps, and made good their 
retreat. : 

“The most important event that has yet happened is this 
victory obtained by the crown prince, if true to the extent 
represented in the papers, and which came last night; but of 
this I can not help having great doubts. What difference 
this may make one can not speculate upon till one sees ex- 
actly what it is; but had it not been for this I would have 
laid my money on Bonaparte, provided always his troops 
remain faithful: this seems to me even now his greatest 
danger. 

“T wish I could tempt you across the hills: we are quite 
alone, but expect little Rogers. If you see any thing of Tha- 
net, pray remember me to him and my lady. I am, my dear 
Brougham, ever yours most truly, GREY.” 


&T. 36. | EARL GREY. fia: 


TO EARL GREY. 
**Temple, November 6, 1813. 

*“ Drar Lorp Grey,—I fear I misled you, in my letter of 
yesterday, about a victory; my authority was Eden (Lord 
Henley’s son), who had been at one of the offices. But it 
seems to be a false report.* However, they have quite enough 
without it. 

“JT suppose if the worst happens to Bonaparte—viz., being 
driven within the Rhine—we shall hear of nothing but Europe 
having been saved, and the Pittites will begin to crow as if 
they had won the game at last; which will be just as if a 
man at play had first lost his whole fortune, and then, in a 
desperate attempt, won back half of it, and then triumphed as 
if he had rooked his adversary. Not to mention the horror 
with which the original French declaration of the Rhine, the 
Pyrenees, etc., was received, the whole Continent, should it 
be cleared of the French, has been ravaged in such a way for 
twenty years that permanent conquest alone could be worse, 
and that only by.a degree. 

“ Tlowever, it seems highly improbable that Austria and 
Bernadotte should hold out with the rest long enough to drive 
Bonaparte quite within the Alps and the Rhine, and it appears 
on the cards that he should gain some great success at one 
point, and then detach Austria. 

“T have, of course, seen nobody since I came to town ex- 
cept lawyers, and of their news you had a specimen yesterday. 

* Believe me ever yours most truly, 
“H. Brovenam. 

“Macdonald has resigned, and Gibbs certainly succeeds 
him, though the Chancery men say Plomer, because they wish 
Richards to be vice-chancellor, as well they may be sick of 
Plomer. Ellenborough, much to his credit, is making a push 
for Holroyd as the new judge. 

“T hear that Canning wrote the attack on Fox, but I can’t 
believe it. The style is all for the other supposition.” 





* The battle of Leipsic. 


~T 
bo 


CORRESPONDENCE. [1813, 


TO EARL GREY. ° 
‘* Temple, November 6, 1813. 

“My pear Lorp Grey,—As the news is at last come, and 
Parliament met, and people have had time to think a little 
about it, I wish to give you a note or two upon the state of 
the party. Of course, I hear at a distance, being quite out 
of the way, but I am also pretty cool, and as much disinter- 
ested upon the matter as any one can be; in fact, 1am a mere 
spectator, so that (where there are in reality no secrets) I may 
give an evidence as accurate and more unsuspected than per- 
sons engaged in the game. 

“There is, though in a greater degree, the same outcry that 
alarmed me so much last spring, about ‘ the party being at an 
end—it is better to say so at once; let every one go his own 
way,’ etc. It should seem that Canning’s circular letter has 
been taken as the model by some of our friends, and I am 
morally certain they would rejoice at your issuing one of the 
same stamp! They talk, among other things, of supporting 
the ministers where their measures deserve it, and where not, 
of a candid and individual sort of opposition, with a great 
deal more trash of the same odious description. Now I 
should only wish to know what would have become of the 
Whig party (and of the constitution of this country) if such 
language had prevailed in 1793 and 1794, when many de- 
serted, no doubt, and more grumbled, and yet you held to- 
gether the party, although there was such a clamor against 
you, both in Parliament and out of it, and such a Government, 
in point both of talents and strength, with a steady, popular 
king, a country blind and comfortable both as to trade and 
taxes—in short, such a sum of things as never before was at 
all equalled for the ruin of the Opposition. If the grumblers 
of those days—who complained of Fox and you not going far 
enough in blaming the Jacobins, not fairly supporting Pitt 
where he deserved it, with I know not how much more such 
twaddle, spoken by men who don’t seem to reflect on the very 
nature of a party—had been listened to, the party was at an 
end, and half a dozen great interests would have been finally 
detached from it, and formed new connections and habits. 

“That the victory is, upon the whole, favorable to the con- 


ZT, 36.] THE OPPOSITION. 73 


stitution of this country I can not doubt, for it must lead to 
peace, and then there is an end of the stop-mouth always 
used, ‘ Nothing can be done while Hannibal is at the gates.’ 
Besides, peace is itself a great good, and one of the benefits to 
secure which we are desirous of seeing the constitution free. 
If, indeed, I could believe that the war is to last, the victories 
would be so much clear loss, for they make the Government 
here nearly absolute, whatever relief they may bring to Ger- 
many ; and charity begins at home. 

“But in the hopes of peace, were there nothing else, one 
can not help exceedingly desiring that the great party, as it 
still is, should be kept together on true party principles, and 
should consider that in order to act with effect then a a 
peace) they must continue as now. 

“ Connected with this is the subject of the speech, rich 
all our friends, at least most, approve as moderate and on their 
own principles (supposing the phrase, kingdom of France, 
not to be a designed ambiguity). To commend it on those’ 
principles is doing nothing against the party, but this should 
be done with a reference to the party, so as to let it distinctly 
appear that the Government have come over to you on this 
important ground, as on many others, and therefore you ap- 
prove. 

“But while we are waiting for peace, are there no measures 
which the party might take with real benefit both to the coun- 
try and to their own substantial popularity—measures which 
they might carry, too, in a session or two, with so wretched a 
ministry to oppose them, and the place-huntsrs (army, etc.) to 
back them from time to time? The Catholic question, of 
course; but there are many others, some connected with Ire- 
land, others general. Why should they not bring on the ques- 
tion of tithes generally? Ihad got every thing ready for this 
(even to the length of a bill carried through Parliament as an 
experiment, and which had completely answered) when I was 
flung out; but the thing is as plain sailing as a common road- 
bill, and would, I venture to assert, succeed the first session it 
was tried. 

“T believe no one thing the party could do would more 
recommend it (or more justly) to the country. The question 
of impressment is another, though certainly of a much more 

Vou. I1.—D 


74 STATE OF PARTIES, [1813. _ 


delicate and difficult nature; but I had made considerable 
progress in it, chiefly upon Windham’s principle, and saw my ~ 
way better than could have been supposed. The greatest 
practical evil, or nearly so, at present existing—the expenses 
of law proceedings—is a third; and to trouble you with only 
one more, to which I had not applied myself, but which, I am 
sure, much may be made of—the poor-laws. But I mention 
these merely as specimens, and I am quite clear that, with the 
force now at your disposal in both Houses, such a campaign 
might be arranged and carried on as would both steer clear 
of all differences and grounds of splitting, and would de- 
servedly gain incalculable weight for the party with the 
country, while it would allow the awkward interval to pass 
by between this victory and peace—to pass with credit to 
the party, instead of showing them up day after day as dis- 
comfited and scattered, or at best doing nothing but waiting 
for a blot to hit. Observe, I don’t mean that they should not 
hit a thousand blots all the while, for this is, after all, their 
principal calling. I am speaking of what should be done in 
addition to the usual measures of opposition, and while it is 
going on those ordinary measures will come in of course. 
Indeed, no time should be lost in rallying and bringing some- 
thing forward. If only a dozen come to it at first, depend 
upon it the whole force will collect speedily ; and until the 
idea of a disbanding is put down by the fact, no one will 
think of rallying. 

“JT am sure nothing but a most sincere and warm regard 
for the party could make me bore you so long with my no- ° 
tions as I have now done; and I may say a regard quite un- 
mixed with any selfish feelings, for it is the pleasure of a 
great many of the party to consider, or affect to consider, 
me as ‘flung overboard to lighten the ship ;? but I care not 
for such stupid, and in many cases interested stuff. As I 
said before, I am really speaking as an uninterested specta- 
tor, but one whose good wishes are greatly concerned. 

“'To turn to the point which alone the persons I have been 
alluding to ever think of —the court, or rather the prince. 
Though the idea, which they can’t get out of their heads, that 
he may still be kind, is a sort of madness after what has 
passed, and though all chance of getting a hold over him by 


ZT. 36. | THE OPPOSITION. te 


his fears (the only handle he has about him) was thrown 
away last spring, yet the sort of chance they look to would, 
such as it is, still be open according to my plan. 

“This brings me to what I understand is really the case, 
that he is not very well with his ministers, jealous of their 
interfering, squabbling about their moderation, and for the 
Bourbons, etc.; also about the arrangement for the young 
princess and the princess of Wales, etc.; but of this I shall 
write on Monday. It comes all to very little in my view. 

“ver yours truly, II. Brovenam.” 


TO EARL GREY. 


‘*Temple, November 25, 18138. 

“ Dear Lorp Grey,—lI received yours yesterday, and cer- 
tainly the difficulty you begin and end with is the grand one ; 
nor do I really see, under existing circumstances, how it is to 
be got rid of. I know very well what would do if people 
would agree to it, but that it is only removing the difficulty 
one step, and leaving it there as great as ever. I mean, of 
course, if our friends in the House of Commons would take 
Whitbread for their leader; because I have never entertained 
a moment’s doubt that he would be the most tractable leader 
they could find, and the most accommodating to those both 
in the House of Commons and elsewhere. I admit that, to 
those who only look at his conduct as it has been, while there 
has prevailed a constant struggle, etc., this seems a sort of 
paradox; but I have no doubt whatever of its truth; and 
they who know him best, I believe, will agree in it; though, 
to say the truth, one never likes to mention the subject, from 
a conviction of the difficulties attending it, and a fear that 
broaching such things may do harm. In short, it is almost, 
if not quite, impossible to see any way out of it. 

“There is some alarm about Canada in the city, and appar- 
ently not ill founded. If the ministers (as is reported) send 
the Duke of York to Holland, we shall soon be in the old 
way again. One thing I know for certain, that the language 
both at Carlton House and the Duke of York’s is strong 
against Bernadotte, and that they openly wish he may do 
riothing i in Holland. 

s Canning’ s speech last night, I hear, failed greatly ; it was 


76 POLITICS. (1813. 


a mere collection of clap-traps, which caught very ill. In- 
deed, as it appears in the newspapers, it looks like something 
made out of the ‘ Morning Post’ and ‘ Elegant Extracts.’* 
“Ward seems uncomfortable, as he well may be, after the 
disbanding. I heard a joke of Lord Byron’s annoyed him 
t’other day, though it was a baddish sort of pun. Ward was 
_ talking of being ‘rewhigged, and Lord Byron said he fancied 
he wanted to be ‘rewarded. 'They have fired an epigram at 
him, which is not much better; I suppose it is Tom Moore’s: 


‘wWw—d has no heart, they say, but I deny it; 
He has a heart, and gets his speeches by it.’ 


“You heard, I suppose, of Sheridan having at length been 
arrested, owing to his usual folly and delays. He is out 
again, but was beyond measure annoyed by it. It is not 
much known, and had better not be mentioned: really noth- 
ing can be more lamentable than his coming to such an end. 
The prince talks of providing for Jekyll and Adam as soon as 
he can. Ever yours truly, H. Broveuam.” 


* 
TO EARL GREY. 
‘* Temple, November 27, 1813. 

“My par Lorp Grey,—As you may suppose, the people 
continue intoxicated with the good news—more of which 
may be daily expected; for Italy will probably be soon 
cleared of the French, and Hamburg and the garrisons, Dant- 
zic, etc., must fall. Wellington has met, I apprehend, with 
more resistance than he looked for, for it certainly was his 
intention to attack Bayonne immediately. It even seems 
upon the cards that something should happen to Bonaparte 
himself; but what the Austrians would then do is another 
question ; and it seems pretty clear that Bernadotte won’t at- 
tack France. He may be speculating on something leading 
to his own succession, in which case he, of course, must keep 
aloof from all invasions. Our Carlton House wiseacres con- 
tinue to abuse him, calling him the sergeant, and saying he 








* This seems to refer to Canning’s speech on 17th November, in the de- 
bate on Lord Castlereagh’s motion for a committee of the whole House ‘‘ on 
the Foreign Treaties.” See Hansarp, 144. 


AT. 36. ] EUROPEAN CRISIS. hy 


was once flogged for stealing, etc., etc. They deride the no- 
tion of peace while Bonaparte lives, and speak of a new 
declaration of peace by Louis XVIII. (By-the-way, what a 
good thing of it that old gentleman would have were he re- 
stored, without any thing like a party to back him, and all the 
property, places, and commands in the hands of his enemies !) 

The person who is now at the head of affairs in Holland, 
Mr. Van Hogendorp, is one of the best and ablest men I ever 
knew. — He is a particular friend of mine, and constant cor- 
respondent ; and Lord Liverpool and his colleagues will proba- 
bly now repent of having turned a deaf ear to all the com- 
plaints which he made to them, through me, of the confisca- 
tion of his colony at the Cape by Baird and Popham.* I 
never could get any thing further than a promise to refer it 
to the King’s Advocate, and this is two years ago. I had in- 
tend@d last session to bring it forward in Parliament; indeed, 
a more shameful transaction never was carried on. I first 
applied in 1807 to Windham’s office; and though the inferior 
persons in the Government did, of course, all they could to 
check it, he was giving it full consideration when no Popery 
came over us. Since that it has been one delay and pretext 
after another. I should add that Van Hogendorp had sunk 
half his fortune (about £100,000) in’the experiment, which 
was for the abolition of slavery. This is an instance of the 
evils that sometimes happen from neglecting to do justice, 
and overlooking complaints because you have no immediate 
interest in redressing them. I hope the Dutch will not take 
back their old masters, as we did, without terms: if they do, 
their tranquillity won’t last long. Ever truly yours, 

“TH. Brouauam.” 


TO EARL GREY. 


*“Temple, December 4, 1813. 
“My preaR Lorp Grey,—A foolish man called Grant has 





* Gilbert Charles, Count of Hogendorp, born 1762, died 1834. It is men- 
tioned in the usual histories and biographies that he lost a considerable pri- 
yate fortune through the capture of the Cape of Good Hope. He was active 
in the restoration of the house of Orange; while his brother, General Hogen- 
dorp, was intrusted by Napoleon with the government of Hamburg, when 
Dayoust commanded the garrison during the memorable siege, 


78 POLITICS. [1813. 


published a palavering account of his trip to Holland, and, 
from ignorance of French and inaccuracy, has represented 
Hogendorp as speaking in a style so totally unlike the man 
that I don’t credit a word of it. He is a man of the most 
calm and sensible deportment, and could not, if he would, say 
things put into his mouth. I expect to hear from him im- 
mediately, having procured a passport for a connection of his 
who went yesterday. Yarmouth’s going over is odd enough 
—perhaps it is only to pick up a little money by stock-job- 
bing ; but if he means to earwig the Prince of Orange, it will 
be most pernicious. That prince is a madman if he ever list- 
ens to any but Dutchmen. He has no other way of re-es- 
tablishing the confidence of the country in him. 

“TY happened to be with the committee of the African In- 
stitution yesterday, at Lord Bathurst’s, about the slave-trade 
business; and though I saw he was very civilly inclinéd to- 
wards Hogendorp, and listened attentively to the full detail of 
his bad treatment by all their people in succession, which I 
made him hear in presence of the saints, making Windham 
(as in fact he was) the only exception, and though he spoke 
as if they might do all that was fair towards Hogendorp, and 
mentioned him very respectfully, yet there was a something 
which struck me, in his way of speaking on this subject, as if 
they considered the Orange family as entirely on their own 
bottom, or jure divino, and not likely to please any one but 
themselves in governing or choosing councillors. The man- 
ner was this—as if he commended Hogendorp, and excepted 
him from the mass; a kind of amnesty or pardoning manner, 
instead of the gratitude due to him as the greatest benefactor 
of the family, for whom—at least for the country—he exposes 
his life and property most literally, should the French ever 
get back. I hope I may be deceived. Wilberforce after- 
wards went to Castlereagh’s on the same slave-trade business, 
and promised to repeat what I had said about Hogendorp ; 
but I dare say he left out the offensive parts. I am told Cas- 
tlereagh received what was mentioned of Hogendorp very 
graciously ; but I could not go myself, being obliged to re- 
turn to Westminster. Delieve me ever truly yours, 

“H, BROUGHAM.” 


21. 36.] EUROPEAN CRISIS. 79 


TO EARL GREY. 
‘*Temple, December 16, 1813. 

“My pEAR Lorp Grey,—lI rejoice to find by your letter 
that the attack is quite gone; and though I have little or 
nothing to say, I write only as a kind of gossiping visit, which 
a convalescent is supposed to be the better for. As to Lau- 
derdale’s new book, I take it for granted your medical men 
would prohibit it as they would the eating of leather, cod- 
sounds, or any other equally digestible performance.* By-the- 
way, you may hint to him that, as Jeffrey, on his return from 
America, will find the ‘ Edinburgh Review’ become quite a 
series of éloges, he will naturally collect all his venom for the 
next number, in order to regain his character; the natural 
consequence of which will be a massacre of his new book. But, 
of course, he won’t care for that when he reflects that he suf- 
fers because such an overpraise has been bestowed on a plain 
gentlewoman, of some size, rather advanced in life. I am 
sure his known gallantry towards-such characters will recon- 
cile him to this vicarious punishment. This brings me to the 
said gentlewoman, Madame de Staél, whom I really think you 
all overrate. Her book seems terribly vague and general and 
inaccurate. She certainly follows old Lord Lansdowne’s ad- 
vice in avoiding details ‘as the more dignified line.’ ~ Besides, 
her presumption is intolerable, and on all subjects, on many 
of which she can know nothing-—as, for instance, the German 
metaphysics, except so far as she may have rubbed some of 
them off Schlegel. 

* T never have seen her, and shun her as I would an evil of 
some kind, having heard her talked of as a grand bore, and 
being sickened by the concurring accounts of her fulsome 
flattery of the prince, ministers, etc., etc., and her profligate 
changes of principle. In women such things signify little ; 
but she must (as Talleyrand said) be considered as a man. 

“The prince is really behaving like a bedlamite. T’other 
night he (being tipsy) abused Bernadotte by the hour to 
Monsieur Staél, who is an emissary of his, and said that, to 


* Lauderdale’s new book—‘‘ The Depreciation of the Paper Currency of 
Great Britain Proved.” 


80 POLITICS. (1814. 


his (the prince’s) knowledge, he might have taken Hambro 
six weeks ago, but was prevented by mean jealousy of the 
Prussians. He talked of going to Hanover immediately, and 
was even rude to M. Staél for doubting his being allowed. 
He has told such of his servants as are in favor that they go 
with him to Hanover; the others,not. This was always the 
forerunner of his father’s madness. 

“The acknowledgment of the Prince of Orange as sover- 
cign seems to me only in conformity to the principle of not 
interfering, and I really do not know what else the ministers 
could have done. If he and the Dutch choose to call him 
Grand Lama, what is it tous ? and what though we did know 
of his intention ? 

“Sergeant Lens has covered himself with glory by his refu- 
sal; however, I must protest against the high tone taken by 
some on this and Leech’s good behavior, otherwise we admit 
either that our virtue is very low, or that the enemy may by 
such offers rank us as he pleases among ourselves. 

Yours ever truly, Hebe 


TO EARL GREY. 
‘*Temple, January 5, 1814. 

“My pear Lorp Grery,—I am very unwilling that you 
should be troubled with a letter on so trifling a subject as 
myself, but I am still more anxious to correct a mistake in 
which I conclude my last must have led you, from your allu- 
sion to the Hollands. I certainly don’t accuse them, if it is 
any accusation ; and my allusion was to others who, for aught 
I know, are quite conscientious (possibly they are right too) 
in their opinion that I ought not to be allowed to come in. 
I really don’t blame them for it, because I take it for granted 
we differ upon something essential. My suspicion was part- 
ly founded on my certain knowledge that they knew of the 
transaction in question, and that they proposed or in some 
way named another — certainly without the least effect, but 
showing their inclination. This other person, I dare say, is a 
very proper one, though I can not be quite sure, never having 
heard of him before. 

“As for the Hollands, it would be a much heavier charge 
against them, because I am sure our sentiments on all political 


ZT. 36.] EUROPEAN ORISIS. 81 


matters entirely coincide. Therefore it could only arise from 
personal pique, and I should just as soon think of accusing 
yourself as Lord Holland of such a thing. I can’t say it more 
strongly. 

“One word on this matter. I regret the estrangement in 
question very sincerely, having for Lord Holland the most 
cordial regard and esteem, as well as that which, whether I 
will or no, always goes very far with me, the greatest admira- 
tion of his abilities. But I am morally certain that, if you 
knew the facts, you would say I had no choice. Quarrel there 
was none, nor any thing like it; but I was compelled no long- 
er to frequent Holland House, and I ceased going there silent- 
ly, without saying one word to any human being. When 
asked why, I always gave it out that I was out of favor, or 
some such thing, in order to throw it on myself, and let it ap- 
pear that Lady Holland had declined my acquaintance, not I 
hers. Nor did I ever name her, except to defend her (from a 
love of contradiction, perhaps) when I heard her perpetually 
attacked. I even said that there was no ground of difference 
on her part. Icould go no farther. I have lately understood 
that she knew of my saying so, and her gratitude has been 
a species of abuse which I really can’t stoop to commit to 
paper. 

“T inclose a letter from Hogendorp, which will show you, 
first, that the assumption of the sovereignty was not a sudden 
thought ; and, second, that it was not suggested from this 
country. Pray send it back when you have read it. My let- 
ters were strong exhortations to some things, particularly to 
impose good terms on the Orange family, and not fall into the 
error committed by us at the Restoration. Believe me ever 
most truly, H. B. 

“P.S.—The fact of the Allies crossing the Rhine, though 
confidently stated in the ‘ Times’ and ‘ Courier,’ seems incred- 
ible—probably a stock-jobbing trick. 

“The Emperor Alexander has alarmed our Government 
into an offer to America by showing a leaning towards neu- 
tral questions. The offer went in Octobey, and the answer is 
not returned. The ministers are averse now to any separate 
peace with America. 

“A sagacious friend of mine, with whom I was one day 

D2 


82 POLITICS. [1814 


talking over Lady Holland’s spiteful proceedings, made a sug- 
gestion which I am inclined to think explained the real cause 
of offense. He had heard, I know not how, that some time 
ago the Hollands made an attempt to call at Brougham on 
their way south from Scotland ; that my mother ordered the 
outer gate of the court-yard to be barred against their en- 
trance, saying that she herself was too old to be hurt by Lady 
Holland, or any body of that kind, but that she had an un- 
married daughter, then living with her, and therefore that no 
Lady Holland should set foot in her house! I remember my 
mother was immovable, and there was nothing to be done 
but that I should go out to the carriage, make any excuse I 
could invent, and drive on with the Hollands to visit Lord 
Thanet, he being then at Appleby Castle—and this I accord- 
ingly was compelled to do. On looking back to this disa- 
greeable event, I can not but give my friend credit for his 
sagacity in applying the circumstance to the long-continued 
and bitter spite with which I was favored by Lady Holland.” 


FROM EARL GREY. 
** Howick, January 14, 1814. 

“My pEAR Brovucuam,—I send you back Hogendorp’s let- 
ter, which I ought to have done sooner. I believed Castle- 
reagh when he said that the change of Government had not 
been urged by us; and this letter certainly confirms what he 
said. But I do not think the measure less impolitic on that 
account, considering the time and manner in which it was ex- 
ecuted; nor do I think the less that we ought to have ad- 
vised against it. I hear that a convention is to be assembled 
to confirm what has been done, and to form the new constitu- 
tion. I wish nothing had been done previously, but this will 
satisfy all my objections, and will be a valuable recognition of 
the principle that the people alone have a right to alter their 
own government. From what appears in the public papers, 
I should suspect that your friend rather overrates the prodi- 
ges which Pamour de la patrie is to exhibit. From the proc- 
lamations that haye appeared, and from accounts which I 
have seen from some of our officers, it looks as if Mynheer 
was not quite so alert as he ought to be. 

“The Allies, you see, have passed the Rhine. It now re- 


Tr. 36.] EUROPEAN CRISIS. 83 


mains to be seen whethg the French will answer the call of 
Bonaparte. If they do, the next passage of that river may 
not be quite so triumphant. If they do not, the total destruc- 
tion of his power is not improbable. Calculating upon past 
experience and upon the French character, I should incline to 
the former opinion. Judging from the tone of Bonaparte 
and his Senate, in their late speeches, addresses, etc., there 
appear symptoms of uneasiness and weakness which warrant 
the latter. We shall soon see. 

“ Upon the other part of your letter I will say no more at 
present, except that where there are so many motives to a 
good understanding and friendship, it is very vexatious that 
any difference should exist, and that I will not despair that 
some time or other an opportunity may offer of setting these 
matters right again. Upon the particular fact respecting 
the seat I can not judge, not knowing what it was; perhaps 
you may have some difficulty in communicating it: if not, I 
should be glad to know it, and certainly would endeavor to 
get to the bottom of it. 

“T still feel the effects of my late attack, but I am, on the 
whole, pretty well. Ever yours, Grey.” 


TO EARL GREY. 
““Temple, January 15, 1814. 

“ Drar Lorp Grey,—I happened yesterday to see several 
foreigners, among others General Lowenhielen, just come on 
a mission from Bernadotte. He told me that the Emperor 
Alexander calculates at 80,000 the army which Bonaparte 
crossed the Rhine. with, but Lowenhielen says that he (Alex- 
ander) always estimates the enemy largely for fear of mis- 
takes. He adds that he is sure nothing but the guillotine will 
ever make the French rally round Bonaparte as they did, in 
the times of terror, round the Revolution; and he says the 
Allies have probably 300,000 now in France. But with all 
this he does not seem to think the thing by any means clear. 
I well remember mon homme at Stockholm in 1799, just come 
from Paris through Holland, and full of nothing, but the Duke 
gf York’s being always drunk and in bed, and the other 
French topics. 

* Dawson (lately attached to Walmoden) is just come, and 


84 ; POLITICS. [1814. 


reports Bernadotte’s views to be all for succeeding Bonaparte, 
and that at /ast he will go towards France; that he begins to 
find the Allies are suspecting him, and must do something ; 
that he is the greatest rogue, etc.,in the world; that he never 
has fought but when obliged, and always in terror of risking 
his military character. I must say I rather believe this ac- 
count. It is exactly what Bulow says of him in Holland. I 
find M. de Staél is quite furious at the invasion of France, 
and the idea of Cossacks @ Paris. This is as it should be; 
indeed, the notion of saving Europe by such means is a very 
neat kind of bull. 

“By letters from Holland yesterday, Van Hogendorp is 
quite well again, and has given in his constitution, which is to 
be revised by a commission of persons all out of office, then to 
the prince, and then submitted to the notables of the nation. 
This last was my earnest advice, but I have no doubt it had 
occurred to himself. I have also a very civil message from 
Mr. Falck, the other Secretary of State, who is, I believe, a 
staunch reformer. 

“Ever yours very sincerely, H. Brovenam.” 


TO EARL GREY. 
“‘ Temple, July 12, 1814. 

“ Drar Lorp Grey,—You will before this time have seen 
the event of the Westminster election—at least what is sure 
to be so—the return of Lord Cochrane without opposition. 

“Every thing was arranged on Tuesday last, and I should 
have walked over the course. Lord Cochrane had never been 
even mentioned; but the debate, and especially George Pon- 
sonby’s, and Whitbread’s, and Wortley’s speeches—preferring 
his assertions of innocence to the verdict of guilty—had the 
immediate effect of putting it to the Westminster men to con- 
demn him; and they all said, ‘Though we want to get rid of 
him as a member, yet it is now cast upon us to declare him 
guilty, and upon evidence which forty-four of the House of 
Commons think insufficient.’ This has proved decisive; and 
though many of them wished a middle course, that he should 
be declared innocent, and not elected, I among others plainly 
told them that was not the way to serve Lord Cochrane. 

“Tt is understood that an arrangement has been made to 





AT, 36.] LORD COCHRANE. 85 


choose him this one time, and that he is not to come forward 
again in case of expulsion, etc. The great thing was to keep 
all together, and avoid a splitting. In this they seem hitherto 
to have succeeded perfectly. 

“ Burdett’s declining influence has been somewhat revived 
by this hit; but I fear the extreme folly of attacking Lord 
Cochrane’s attorneys, etc., will lead to such a defense on their 
part as will damage both Lord Cochrane and Burdett. I fair- 
ly warned them of the danger. Lord Cochrane partly list- 
ened; Burdett would not. 

* Lord Tavistock and his brothers, with many others, had 
most warmly come forward for me, and it stands as well as 
possible on the whole. Yours truly, He BF 


TO EARL GREY. 
** Lancaster, September 1, 1814. 

“Dear Lorp Grey,—Perry has, you will see, been most 
careful to say nothing of Canning, in spite of the almost irre- 
sistible temptation to do so; but this is quite of a piece with 
his shabby ratting at the Liverpool election. By-the-way, 
Canning, Huskisson, and Dog Dent* are all on a visit near 
this place at old Bolton’s (the slave-trader’s), who is the purse 
of that party. It is, of course, not for nothing that they are 
come on such a visit. Many of the circuit dined there on 
Tuesday, as Bolton’s brother-in-law is one of us; and they say 
Canning made no play,and scarcely opened his mouth. His 
motive is said to be no less than he means to retire and put in 
the Dog! ! It would be a neat thing, to be sure; but I don’t 
at all think it off the cards. I have many communications 
on the subject from Liverpool, but decline doing any thing. 
I am sick of Liverpool elections, and won’t put myself up 
against his canine majesty on any account, even if sure of 
beating him. I shall let some other member of the party 
take a turn at it this time, having done quite as much as falls 


* Of a Westmoreland family—a partner in Child’s bank ; for many Parlia- 
ments member for Lancaster; immortalized as the inventor of the tax upon 
dogs, and hence the name by which he was universally known. After Pitt 
imposed the tax, Dent used frequently to receive large hampers garnished 
with hares’ legs, pheasants’ tails, grouse and partridge wings, etc., but inva- 
riably filled with dead dogs, 


86 - CORRESPONDENCE. [1814. 


to my share already, and in return been kept out of Parlia- 
ment—a whole Parliament—and lost almost all the practice I 
had in this county owing to the election. Yours sincerely, 
ride BH 
“ P.S.—I have an idea of going for a fortnight to Paris in 
October, but am not quite resolved. I wish your family were 
all well enough to let you go too. I take it to be the pleas- 
antest time.” 





Dr. Shepherd had paid a visit to Paris early in the month 
of June, and having written a small volume describing all he 
saw, and. comparing his impressions with what he recollected 
of Paris when he visited it in 1802, was kind enough to send 
mean early copy, which I acknowledged in the following let- 
ter, written just after I had sent Jeffrey an article upon the 
book for the October number of the Review. 


TO DR. SHEPHERD. 
‘* Brougham, Monday, Sept. 19, 1814. 

“ My prEar Sir,—I received on Saturday morning your ac- 
ceptable volume, for which receive my thanks. I swallowed 
it whole in my walks that day, for this delicious weather, and 
the woods and streams of this place, keep me out ‘ from morn 
to dewy eve’ (only that we have had no dew). 

“This house being full of company, my time, till night was 
far advanced, has not been my own, either Saturday or yester- 
day ; nevertheless, I have, by an exertion about midnight, con- 
trived to send off the volume, depicted and commented on, to 
a certain place, on its way to which it (that is, the account of 
it) now is. At first I had meant only to send the book itself, 
with instructions and hints, to Jeffrey; but I changed my 
plan, and was unwilling to run any risks; so, deviating from 
my rule of only handling general subjects, and those but few, 
I have done the deed myself. Expect, therefore, star’ ammaz- 
zato, and to cry out, ‘Save me from my friends!’* You must 
know I more and more think of making a trip to Paris before 


* See in ‘‘ Edinburgh Review ” for September, 1814, art. xi., on ‘‘ Paris in 
Eighteen hundred and two and Eighteen hundred and fourteen. By the Rey. 
William Shepherd.” 


ZT. 37. ] HARL GREY. 87 


Michaelmas term, and your diary has not diminished my ar- 
dor —it had been growing. Since I was in Italy, ten years 
ago, I have had a surfeit of sights on me, so as never to care 
for any more; but the greatest surfeit wears off when the 
stomach is tolerably sound, and the banquet now in question 
is extraordinary in more senses than one. Aware, then, of 
the fickle nature of the Guinea, and suspecting him to be 
again on the rise, I have actually taken the precaution of mak- 
ing my banker remit a sum to Paris, that I may not be spend- 
ing at the rate of 15s.in the pound whet I go. 

“As I mean only to see galleries, I shall not trouble any men 
of science (except, perhaps, the great mathematician La Place, 
and Cuvier), nor any politician at all; and leaving this about 
the 20th of October, I shall be in town again on the 31st. 
Can I do any thing for you or our friend at Allerton ?* to 
whom pray remember me. 

“ Believe me ever yours truly, H. Broveuam.” 


A few days before, I had written as follows to Lord Grey: 


‘* Brougham, Monday. 

* Dear Lorp Grey,—I have Martin’s answer as inclosed. 
I fear Perry will still hang back. Perhaps he ought not to 
be harshly dealt with now, for his calamity, I learn, is a seri- 
ous one—viz., his wife and some of his children, on their pas- 
sage from Lisbon, either lost or taken by Algerines. (He 
will attack all the Barbary powers for a year to come freely.) 
I can’t help wishing he himself were taken for a year or two, 
and well bastinadoed. I have no news from town. -Sharp 
and Phillips have just been here, but they bring nothing new. 
The Thanets are not come, nor will for a fortnight. 

“T have got hold of an excellent constitutional pamphlet on 
the ‘ Queen’ (I believe by George Lamb, but this is Most se- 
.cret), and project saying something in the ‘Edinburgh Re- 
view’ on the question of interference with the R. family, ete. 

“At present I am rather immersed in mathematical diver. 
tissements, which I plunge into for a short period of each year 
on getting home. 


* Mr, Roscoe, 


88 EUROPEAN POLITICS. [1814. 


“ Romilly is not to be in Durham till the 28th. When 
Canning and Huskisson were at Bolton’s, they came to dine at 
Lowther after much negotiation, the difficulties not being all 
on Canning’s side. Sharp was rather diverted with this, and 
with finding them all planted at Bolton’s and not at Lowther ; 
for when he met them at Charles Ellis’s some weeks before, 
they gave out that their visit was to Lowther, and said not a 
word “of Bolton. It seems Huskisson is going ultimately to 
Ireland, and Peel to be got rid of. 

“Pray, if you should ever hear of any family going abroad, 
and wanting a physician, recommend a friend of mine, whe 
is just eddeed from the staff, and a man of great skill and 
worth, as well as a gentleman in all respects, and extremely 
pbrompliehed. 

“Tf you mean to nis ‘Waverley’ (which is Scott’s), you 
may keep my copy instead of bringing it to town, as I find 
one here. Yours ever truly, is BaT se 


Paris had been entered by an army commanded by the lead- 
ing European sovereigns, and composed of the same Prus- 
sians, Bavarians, and Wiirtembergers who, having marched 
and fought under Napoleon to the attack upon Moscow, had 
now, under Alexander, taken part in a triumphal entry into 
Paris, accompanied by Cossacks; thus verifying the strange 
prediction of Rousseau, that “the time would come when 
Tartars should encamp in that city.” There had been noth- 
ing like it since the irruption of Attila and his Huns. 

A sort of provisional treaty was hastily made at Paris, but, 
to avoid squabbles and quarrels over the division of the 
booty, the more important matters were adjourned to a con- 
gress, held at Vienna, where many momentous questions were 
to be decided, not by an equal participation of all the Euro- 
pean powers, but rather under the direct dictation of those 
whose armies occupied the territories which were the subject 
of arrangement, compensation, and indemnity. By the treaty, 
or, more correctly speaking, convention of Paris, it was agreed 
(Ney and Caulaincourt popreccntiie Napoleon) that he should 
retain the title of Emperor, with the sovereignty of Elba; 
that his family should be princes; that he should have two 
millions of francs a year paid to him by France; that Maria 


2T. 37. ] DISPOSAL OF NAPOLEON. 89 


Louisa should continue to be called Empress, and should have 
the Duchy of Parma, which was to descend to her son. In 
consideration of these terms, Napoleon renounced for himself 
and his descendants all right of sovereignty in France, Italy, 
and elsewhere. 

Castlereagh, on behalf of England, agreed to the Elba and 
Parma parts; but inasmuch as Great Britain had never ac- 
knowledged Napoleon either as emperor or as sovereign of 
France, he declined to be a party to the treaty; so that the 
parties to the convention of Paris were Russia, Austria, Prus- 
sia, Caulaincourt, and Marshal Ney. 

All this took place in the beginning of April, and, when 
disclosed, some of the terms excited no little astonishment, 
more especially that which related to the place of residence. 
Ney it was who suggested Elba. Bonaparte himself asked 
for Corfu, which was ‘refused, because he might there disturb 
Turkey! The allied sovereigns would have better secured 
their captive if they had sent him anywhere rather than to 
Elba, for that island combined qualities unusually favorable 
to intrigue or evasion. Close to Italy, at that time hating 
the tyranny of her old masters; easy of communication with 
France through Italy and Switzerland ; too far from the coast 
of France to be easily watched, but too near to make a land- 
ing there improbable, or even difficult; and accordingly, in 
16s than twelve months—namely, on the Ist of March, 1815— 
Napoleon did land at Cannes, in Provence, not far from where 
I am now writing; so that if the world had been searched 
to find the residence the most dangerous to France, the most 
far-seeing men would have fixed upon Elba. 

It has always been a marvel to me that so clever and sa- 
gacious a man as Talleyrand should not have foreseen the 
probable result of this arrangement. Perhaps he yielded 
from a conviction that the soldier-like attachment to their 
chief might have so far influenced the French armies, then 
near Fontainebleau and in the provinces of the Loire, that any 
harshness in the treatment of Bonaparte might have raised 
a flame it would have been difficult to extinguish. But there 
was one result of the abdication which created unbounded as- 
tonishment—the marvellous rapidity in the change of public 
opinion in France—that the man who but a few short weeks 


90 EUROPEAN POLITICS. [1s14. 


before had apparently possessed the entire affections of the 
nation he ruled over, should have been all at once forgotten ; 
that he should have been quietly, and almost without observa- 
tion, allowed to be escorted by foreign officers to the place of 
embarkation in the south; disappearing, unnoticed and unre- 
gretted, from the soil over which he had so long and so re- 
cently exercised the most absolute and undisputed dominion. 

This conduct is a painful illustration of the character of 
Frenchmen, and excites reflections one has no pleasure in 
dwelling on. Mackintosh felt this acutely, and in discussing 
with me the events I have here referred to made use of ex- 
pressions very different from the words he once applied to 
Frenchmen, whom, he said, “ posterity would celebrate for 
patriotic heroism, as the citizens by whose efforts the fabric 
of despotism fell to the ground.’”* 

It is not surprising that the author of the “ Vindicize Gal- 
licee” should have felt this deeply. Iremember his telling me 
that among the few who had not altogether forgotten Napo- 
leon were some who discussed the question whether he ought 
not to have killed himself; while others declared they always 
believed that he was too great a coward to play the Roman 
part; and Mackintosh added that Napoleon, before he left 
Fontainebleau, had argued for and against suicide, concluding 
with this singular avowal, “ D’ailleurs, je ne suis pas entiére- 
ment depourvu de tout sentiment religieux.” I may add that 
the suprise I then felt at the conduct of the French people 
was much modified when I afterwards, during a long residence 
in France, acquired a more intimate knowledge of the national 
character and of its distinguishing attributes—vanity and 
fickleness; a knowledge that has impressed me with the strong 
conviction that the day may come—scilicet et tempus veniet 
—when Napoleon’s successor may, by dynastic aspirations by 
no means unnatural, or, more probably, by insane attempts at 
territorial aggrandizement, end his life a captive in a foreign 
prison; and, despite the substantial benefits he has conferred 
upon his country, may find himself, like his mighty predecessor, 
abandoned, vilified, and forgotten. But these speculations are 
foreign to my present subject, which is the visit I made to 


* ‘ Vindiciz Gallice.” London, 1791. 


AT. 87.] VISIT TO PARIS. . 91 


Paris in 1814, when, as soon as the circuit ended, after a couple 
of weeks at Brougham, I went over to France, where I had 
never been—both my former visits to the Continent, in 1799 
and 1804, having been made during the war. My mother and 
my brother William went with me. 

When I look at the facilities and speed which steam and 
railroads have given in these days to travelling, so that I can 
leave Brougham after dinner on Monday, and dine at Cannes 
on Wednesday at six, performing a journey of nearly 1200 
miles in forty-four hours, it seems incredible that our journey 
to Paris, including a good deal of night-travelling, should have 
taken more than eight days; yet soit was. We slept at Do- 
ver, and, there being no steamboats, made a bargain with a 
sailing-vessel to take us, our courier, and carriage across to 
Calais. The charge was twelve guineas! We arrived at 
Paris at a late hour, and drove about from hotel to hotel be- 
fore we got lodged at the Hotel d’Espagne, Rue St. Mare, con- 
siderably after midnight. The rapid journey was too much 
for my mother, who became seriously ill—so ill that all the 
pleasure I anticipated, and all I had looked forward to of my 
visit to Paris, was entirely destroyed. 

I had not very long to remain there, as it was necessary 
that I should be back in London for Michaelmas term. I 
could only hope to see the chief things, and some of the most 
eminent men there. The Duke of Wellington was our am- 
bassador, and from him I received the greatest kindness; and 
we had some important conversations upon several subjects, 
particularly the slave-trade, respecting which his views were 
quite sound and temperate, as he saw the great difficulties of 
the French Government in its peculiar position, so soon after 
the Restoration, with the West India party all zealous royal- 
ists, and forming a great proportion of that body on whose 
support Louis XVIII. mainly relied in his struggles against 
the Republicans and Bonapartists. The Duke was amused 
with an interview which I had at Monsieur Gallois’s* (a friend 
of Romilly and Dumont) with De Molina (whom I had seen 
in the chair of the Chamber of Deputies), and who began with 





* Jean Antoine Gauvin Gallois, born 1755, died 1829. Poet; author on 
jurisprudence and politics. 


92 THE INSTITUTE. [1814. 


me upon the subject of the slave-trade. After a little discus- 
sion I said, “ Mais, monsieur, vous ne me donnez que des ar- 
guments des colons.” ‘ C’est que je suis colon,” he replied. 
“Alors,” I added, “tout est expliqué.” In fact, he was a 
planter. 

I attended one or two sittings of the Institute, of which I 
was not then a member, not having been elected till fifteen or 
sixteen years after. I there saw all the great men—La Place 
at their head; unfortunately not La Grange, whom I reck- 
oned the first in one respect, and whose public character had | 
not been so much lowered by his conduct as La Place’s, both 
as to capacity and independence. He might have been as in- 
capable of taking a great political office, for which he showed 
himself utterly unfit, but certainly would have been incapable 
of showing base ingratitude for the favors he had received 
from Napoleon, and suppressing his dedication of gross flat- 
tery because the emperor had abdicated between the print- 
ing and the publication of the “ Mécanique Céleste.” But La 
Grange had died the year before, and I did not make La 
Place’s acquaintance. I heard him read the report (which 
he had drawn up) of a commission upon a work that had 
been referred to it; and there was nothing particularly strik- 
ing in his statements. But Iwas a good deal struck with 
the concise and clear report of another member, General Car- 
not. He said the work which had been referred to his com- 
mission consisted of things which fell under two several de- 
scriptions. One portion was of little or no value, and that 
was new. The other had some value, but that was not new. 
He hardly had any more to observe; but this was decisive. 

I called upon the general, and was most kindly received. 
T had several long interviews with him, and discussed many 
subjects, both political and mathematical; of the former we 
talked over the affairs of the day, in which he took naturally 
a great interest, having exposed himself to a prosecution 
for an able pamphlet which he had published soon after the 
Restoration.* But of course it was much more interesting 


* ** Memorial of Monsieur Carnot, Lieutenant- general in the French 
army, Knight of the Order of St. Louis, Member of the Legion of Honor 
and of the Institute of France. Addressed to His Most Christian Majesty, 
Louis XVIII.” Translated by Louis Goldsmith. London: 1814. 


AT. 37. ] CARNOT. 93 


to hear him upon the times in which he had played so great 
a part, and his views of certain subjects of science on which 
he had written. I deemed it right on this occasion to make 
an exception to my rule of never taking a note of any con- 
versation. This was the only exception I ever made to my 
rule, for where I had an official duty to perform it of course 
could not apply. Unless to Romilly, I never showed this 
conversation; indeed, it was written in French, and but for 
his encouragement as to the language, I should not have been 
disposed to keep it. However, it was sent to Brougham, and 
having been found a year-or two ago in an almost perfect 
state, I was asked by my friend Carnot, son of the general, 
to let him see it, and to give him the use of it for his father’s 
life, which he is engaged in preparing. I shall here insert 
the greater part of it. 


“CONVERSATION AVEC M. CARNOT, OCTOBRE 26, 1814. 

“Aprés quelques compliments,—vous voyez que je méne 
une vie tout 4 fait privée, ne quittant jamais ma famille ex- 
cepté pour me promener, ou aller aux séances de I’Institut. 
C’est ce que jai toujours fait, tandis que les affaires ne me 
demandaient pas, ou que je ne pouvais pas vivre en public 
sans sacrifier mes principes. 

“Tl a parlé un peu sur la traité et Pabolition. Je lui ai 
demandé s’il était pour ou contre. ‘Comment contre! Je 
suis ami de la liberté—c’est tout simple, que je dois étre 
Yami de Vabolition; mais vous trouverez trés peu de per- 
sonnes clairvoyantes sur ce chapitre dans ce moment.’ 

* Jai parlé de la faiblesse du Gouvernement. ‘Cela est 
bien vrai, mais si le Corps Législatif est encore plus faible 
que le Gouvernement, il se peut bien que celui-ci ’emporte et 
détruise tout ce qui nous reste de la liberté.”  J’observai que 
c’était une concurrence de faiblesses plutdt que de forces, et 
que le moins impuissant devait vaincre. II dit que oui, et en 
faisant quelque allusion 4 état méprisable du Gouvernement, 
il s’écria—‘Ah, mon Dieu! aprés 25 années telles que nous 
avons eues, tant de peines et de luttes, de victoires rempor- 
tées sur loppression, et de triomphes ¢tonnants gagnés sur 
tant d’ennemis, voir Paris pris par les Russes, et les Emigrés, 
causes de tous nos maux, nous dicter une constitution aux 


94 NOTES OF CONVERSATIONS [1814, 


Tuileries —4 nous, qui pendant tout ce temps ont gagné 
toutes ces victoires. J’ai fait quelques compliments a celui 
qui avait organisé la victoire, selon ladage frangais, et en 
revenant au sujet de la faiblesse du Corps Législatif, j’ai cru 
trouver en eux beaucoup de fainéantise et de lachesse. Pas 
seulement cela, c’est encore pire. Ces messieurs craignent 
pour leurs biens, leurs fonds, et leurs places; et ceux qui n’en 
ont pas, espérent en gagner par leur souplesse. Le Corps 
Législatif est influé par les places de juges, préfets, sous-pré- 
fets, etc., qui mont pas été conformés aux uns, et 4 qui les 
autres espérent succéder. C’est encore un acte de.mauvaise 
foi de ne pas confirmer ces juges, etc., mais celaxtourne au 
profit de la cour. Sans cela elle n’aurait pas+d’influence. 
Toute V’armée est contre le roi personellement. D’abord il 
n’est pas militaire, et ne peut pas l’étre. Sa dévotion, sin- 
cére ou prétendue, ne lui vaut pas grand chose.’ J’ai parlé 
du Due de Bourbon. II s'est moqué beaucoup de ce prince, 
mais il n’a pas convenu que Monsieur jouissait d’un plus 
grand crédit, ni le Duc d’Angouléme non plus. 

“T] parlait avec le plus sincére mépris de la poignée d’Emi- 
grés qui entourent le roi, et de leurs prétensigns.- Il expli- 
quait le rapport contre M. de Ferrand, en supposant que tout 
cela était causé par les intéréts personnels des députés qui 
possédent des biens nationaux, et qui craignent pour leurs 
possessions. (Lui-méme n’en a jamais eu pour un franc, s'il 
mettait tout en compte; il a perdu la moitié de ce qwil avait 
avant la révolution.) 

“Nous parlames de Bonaparte, et de Vordre qu’on venait 
de lancer de sa déportation &4 S Lucie. Il avait entendu 
parler de Botany Bay. Il disait que rien ne pouvait égaler 
le crime et le scandale d’une telle démarche excepté sa 1a- 
cheté, et parlait de la foi des traités; de tout ce qu’on avait 
gagné par la sacrifice que Bonaparte avait fait pour éviter 
une guerre civile, en me faisant rappeler que personne plus 
que lui ne s’était toujours opposé 4 Bonaparte ou Vaimait 
moins. ‘C’est un tyran que personne ne peut aimer, et que 
les amis de la liberté ne peuvent guére souffrir.’ 

“Tl pense que si l’on s’avise de le renvoyer aux Indes, ete., 
tant pis pour les Bourbons. Les républicains préféreroient 
son fils 4 eux, quoique & présent ils préférent tout 4 Bona- 


2. 87.] WITH CARNOT. 95 


parte. Puis les Bonapartistes qui sont mal vus du public 
seront beaucoup moins soupgonnés quand il ne sera plus ques- 
tion de sa rentrée. 

“ Jai dit que Varmée était pour Bonaparte. ‘ Oui bien, 
parceqwil faut étre pour quelqu’un, mais elle pourrait toujours 
mettre le Maréchal telle chose 4 sa téte. Et presque tous les 
Maréchaux tourneront pour le parti qui commence 4 prendre 
le dessus.’ (Marmont woserait pas faire la guerre avec les 
troupes; ilserait certainement tué. Onne peut pas le souffrir 
depuis sa trahison.) 

**¢ Bonaparte ne se connaissait pas beaucoup dans les sci- 
ences; il était un peu mathématicien, ayant été dans lartil- 
lerie. Il n’étudiait pas les mathématiques ; il pensait 4 autres 
choses—l’Italie peut-étre—et naturellement.’ 

“ Ensuite un assez long entretien a eu lieu dans les hautes 
mathématiques—sur le calcul différentiel, la notation qui y 
appartient, la préférence due 4 celle de Leibnitz, surtout dans 
les puissances et pour le calcul des variations (0, A), la possi- 
bilité de faire des fautes, etc. Il s’exprimait avec chaleur 
pour le calcul de variations, et en faveur de Lagrange, préfé- 
rant Laplace 4 tout autre d’aujour@’ hui, et Lagrange a lui. On 
a causé sur les quantités negatives radicales. Il a des idées 
4 lui la-dessus, et il trouve qu’elles sont un argument de plus 
contre les quantités negatives en général. Il a trouvé de 


méme mes deux théorems sur les courbes y= que je lui 


ai expliqués, et qui ont paru le frapper. II en a pris une note, 
et a promis d’y faire attention et d’essayer la résolution de la 
difficulté qwil dit dans ce moment il ne peut pas surmonter 
ou expliquer. Il m’a donné deux de ses ouvrages sur la 
mathématique. I] s’exprimait avec beaucoup d’enthousiasme 
sur Newton et sur Ivory, mais n’avait pas apparemment lu 
son dernier mémoire. 

“La géométrie ayant répandu beaucoup de confiance entre 
nous, nous nous sommes mis sans géne 4 diseuter mille choses 
interessantes. 

“ Robespierre dans le commencement n’avait pas d’idée de 
commander: cela lui est venue avec le temps. Aprés avoir 
fait couper des tétes lune aprés l’autre, il s’est dit, ‘Si je me 
débarrasse de tous ces messieurs, je pourrai commander moi- 


96 NOTES OF CONVERSATIONS [1814. 


méme 4 tout.’ ‘ Etait-il enthousiaste?’ ‘Oui d’abord, mais 
il était bien méchant aussi; il avait peu de génie, mais il avait 
les paroles 4 la main. II avait été avocat, et habile homme 
dans son métier. Il était vif, mais sans des vues étendues; 
une personne toutefois marquante. Je lai beaucoup connu. 
Nous étions beaucoup liés ensemble dans le comité de salut 
public, mais je l’ai toujours approfondi. Barrére n’était pas 
méchant, mais trés faible. Il vit encore. Collot et Billaud 
Varennes étaient les plus détéstables et méprisables de tous. 
Cependant, aprés la chfiite de Robespierre, quand il était ques- 
tion de les proscrire, j’avangai et courus 4 la Tribune. Je 
voyais qwil fallait me jeter dans la bréche, que s'il arrivait 4 
ces vauriens d’étre tués, chaque téte dans la convention chan- 
celait; qu’aprés la mort de Robespierre, pas une goutte de 
sang ne devait couler. Ainsi je disais que je ferai cause 
commune avec eux, quoique tout le monde savait trés bien 
que je n’avais jamais eu aucune liaison avec eux. Mais cela 
faisait d’autant plus valoir mes efforts en leur faveur. J’ai 
réussi, et la terreur a disparu. Je crois m’étre conduit pré- 
cisément dans la méme manicre, dans ce moment en m’oppo- 
sant aux démarches fausses et imprudentes.des Emigrés contre 
les révolutionaires. Si lon commence par ceux qu’on accuse 
dela mort de Louis XVI.,la contre-révolution ira trés loin. 
C’est au premier pas qwil faut résister.’ 

“ Ensuite, il m’a fait remarquer quwapres son retour d’An- 
vers, et que tout était fini pour Napoléon, il a pris ’engage- 
ment pour servir le roi, qwil aurait servi de bonne foi et 
méme avec le zcle que sa patrie demandait, mais que les com- 
mencements (une contre-révolution, la mauvaise foi, la méprise 
des promesses, etc., avait mis dans la nécessité de s’opposer 
au nouveau systéme. Quant 4 la presse, aprés des semaines 
entiéres de calomnies contre lui et sa mémoire, quand il avait 
voulu faire dire au monde, seulement que la publication n’était 
pas de lui, il avait eu la plus grande difficulté, et méme des in- 
trigues, pour persuader 4 un journaliste (le seul qui y a con- 
senti) @insérer trois lignes pour marquer qu’il ne lavait pas 
publié. 

“Au sujet de la mort du roi, il en a hautement accusé les 
Emigrés, avec Louis XVIII. 4 leur téte, en disant que Louis 
XVI. en était persuadé lui-méme. L’émigration et la guerre 


ZT. 37, | WITH CARNOT. 97 


que les Emigrés suscitaient et nourissaient contre la France, 
surtout le manifeste du Duc de Brunswick, étaient les causes 
des temps de la terreur en y servant aussi de prétexte. Les 
vrais modérés se trouvaient dans un embarras extréme de 
tous cotés. Le peuple effrayé les accusait de tout ce que fai- 
saient les Emigrés et ’ennemi. Des autres s’en sont servis 
comme prétexte assez plausible. Puis Pappui et le soutien 
naturel du parti royaliste leur manquaient totalement. Si ces 
royalistes étaient restés en France, trés surement le parti mo- 
déré Paurait emporté. Il n’avait jamais lu la brochure du 
Colonel Titus ; mais ’ouvrage de Milton et quelques.autres de 
cette époque-ld lui sont connus. 

“Robespierre était trés souvent un instrument dans les 
mains des Emigrés sans s’en douter. Ils lui donnerent des 
victimes par leurs agents, et l'on remarquait toujours que 
e’était les meilleurs républicains, les plus grands ennemis des 
royalistes, qu’il a proscrits. 

“Quant 41a mort du roi, il dit que ceux qui la voulaient 
n’en étaient pas tout-d-fait les maitres ; ils avaient le choix d’y 
consentir ou de se laisser 6gorger eux-mémes par le peuple de 
Paris, et plonger leur patrie dans une guerre civile intermina- 
ble, sans pouvoir sauver le roi. L’opinion publique s’était 
hautement et presqu’unaniment prononeée—au moins, celle 
de tous ceux qui pouvaient agir ou influer. J’ai demandé, 
‘Qwest ce qui aurait résulté si vous aviez laisse échapper le 
roi aprés son retour de Varennes? ‘Nous aurions été tous 
déchirés, et les massacres n’auraient que commencé par nous.’ 
J’ai remarqué que méme quand j’aurais voté la mort @abord, 
sitét que j’eus trouvé la trés petite pluralité qui en a décidé, 
le lendemain j’aurais probablement proposé, pour cette raison 
seule, la révocation du jugement. Il m’a répondu que cette 
opinion venait d’un faux calcul; que quoique la pluralité pour 
la mort n’était que de six ou sept voix, les autres étaient trés 
divisées entre eux; que quelques uns avaient youlu le dé- 
porter, quelques uns l’emprisonner, des autres Penvoyer aux 
galéres — punitions revoltantes, scandaleuses, aussi cruelles 
que la mort, méme peut-Ctre plus odieuses, et qui n’auraient 
nullement assurées la paix 41a France. Encore une fois, si le 
roi avait été sauvé et gardé 4 Paris, il aurait été le point de 
ralliement pour tous les intrigants et contre-ravolutionnaires 

Vor. II.—E 


98 NOTES OF CONVERSATIONS [isi4. 


dans unc crise de guerre extérieure conduite par des Emigrés 
frangais. Il m’a dit que selon lui rien ne pouvait excuser le 
crime de porter les armes contre la patrie. Aussi avait il 
toujours posé pour principe étant membre du Directoire Ex- 
éeutif, et toujours trés favorable aux Emigrés revenants de 
demander A chaque entrée si la personne avait porté les armes 
contre la France, et de favoriser ceux seuls qui avaient émigré 
dans un moment de frayeur ou de faiblesse, des femmes, des 
enfants, des vieillards, mais de s’opposer vivement i ceux qui 
avaient servi avec ennemi. JI avouait que la fin de Moreau 
lui paraissait fort coupable ; qu'il le condamnait sans balancer 
quoiqwintimement lié avec lui, Payant toujours eu en grande 
amitié, tant politique que personnelle, ct possédant une corre- 
spondance suivie avec lui dune grande importance. Il la 
décrit comme vraiment grand militaire; homme probe, ver- 
tucux et désintéressé, mais qui n’était nullement fait pour la 
politique, et ne sy connaissant pas du tout. Bonaparte ¢tait 
tres jaloux de lui, 4 cause du grand crédit dont il jouissait 
avec Varmée. Mais il avait voulu le marier avec la Princesse 
Borghese, parti que Moreau refusait 4 cause de son amour 
pour Mlle. Hulot, et sa répugnance pour le caractére peu hon- 
note de la Princesse, et la vie scandaleuse qu'elle menait. 
C’était le projet de Bonaparte de Pavoir fait Prince au lieu de 
Bernadotte. Son refus lui a vraiment déplu. 

“Tes grandes fautes qu’avait -fait Bonaparte en politique 
Ini sont bien connu. Entre autres, la guerre de Russie contre 
notre commerce. Mais je remarquai qwil n’avait pas assez 
clairement suivi les détails de cette bévue. II était frappé du 
récit que je lui en fis, et il avouait qwil était tout simple que 
les préparatifs pour Pinvasion de la Russie méme sans entrer 
en Allemagne, surtout Poccupation de la Pologne, sans péné- 
trer plus loin, aurait détruit notre commerce, et rempli le but 
principal de la guerre Russe. Faute de papiers Anglais de 
cette époque-la, il me paraissait (comme tous ceux que jai vus 
excepté M. de la Fayette, qui pourra avoir puisé ses connais- 
sances dans la conversation depuis la paix) mal instruit sur 
notre histoire intéridure depuis 1806. Aussi j’ai remarqué 
qwil n’avait pas été tout-d-fait au courant méme des affaires 
étrangores depuis la Paix d’Amiens, excepté celles qui re- 
gardaient la France, et qui sont d’une importance majeure— 


AT. 37.] WITH CARNOT. 99 


par exemple, en parlant du jugement de Lord Cochrane, il 
avait oublié Paffaire des rades de Basque. 

“Josai lui demander s’il ne s’était pas apergu du complot 
que Von trainait contre lui et Barthélémy, etc., avant le 18 
Fructidor, et pourquoi armée au moins w’était pas de son 
cdté. Il dit que oui, qwil savait parfaitement bien de quoi il 
était question—que larmée laurait soutenu contre qui que ce 
fat—quw il avait regu des offres de leurs services—quw il n’avait 
été averti des démarches de ses collégues, mais, qwil n’avait 
rien 4 choisir, excepté la dictature ou la proscription, et que 
sil avait réussi, tout serait fait de la liberté et de la répu- 
blique; il lui aurait fallQ prendre le parti de se faire dictateur 
ou de consigner la France 4 une guerre civile; qwil a préféré 
la proscription, et par principe et par egoisme; car, dit-il, je 
n’ai jamais voulu me placer dans la plus haute élévation ot 
Yon est obligé de tyranniser sion ne veut pas tomber au 
fond. Ce sont des positions qui moffrent pas de projet mi- 
toyen. 

“Quand il s’est retiré, il resta quelque temps 4 Augsburg 
et Nuremberg et 4 Généve, menant une vie assez paisible et 
méme dure, pas seulement par la séclusion mais par la diffi- 
culté @obtenir ce qwil lui fallait @argent. Le Directoire 
Exécutif lui a opposé toutes sortes d’obstacles et de désagré- 
ments—l’a entouré @’espions et d’agents, et bien des fois sa 
sureté personnelle a été en danger. 

“ Quand je lui ai consceillé de faire le voyage d’Angleterre, 
il m’a répondu que @’abord il n’était pas stir qu’on le recevrait 
trop bien, aussi que la dépense pourrait le géner. Je remar- 
quai que certainement il y avait des cercles chez nous, ou il 
serait assez mal accuelli dans le commencement. Par exem- 
ple, si Monsieur Burke vivait encore, qui Pavait esquissé de 
cette dréle de maniére (snorting away the fumes, ete.), Ila ri 
un peu en demandant si M. Burke était mort, et quand. 
Quand j’ai fait son Cloge, il a été d’accord, cependant sans 
paraitre trop bien instruit du personnage. Mais aussitét,qu’en 
passant je nommai M. Wyndham comme de Vécole de M. 
Burke, il a dit, ‘Ah! oui; ila été ministre de la guerre.’ Il 
parlait avec plaisir d’avoir fait la connaissance de M. Fox. Il 
me nommait aussi Sir F’. Burdett comme l’ayant connu. 

“ Je demandai si Bonaparte avait dans ce moment une cor- 


100 NOTES OF CONVERSATIONS [1814. 


respondance en France. Il dit que non. Il était trop bien 
gardé et surveillé, mais que probablement il dépéchait quel- 
qu’un de temps en temps pour voir ce qui se passait, et pour 
lui en rendre compte. Il me paraissait parler sur ce sujet 
méme avec connaissance de cause, quoique je n’oserai pas dire 
que je ne me trompe 1a-dessus.” 


“ CONVERSATION DU OCTOBRE 29, 1814. 


“ Jai commencé par faire mention du projet de Talleyrand 
au congrés, en lui en faisant lesquisse dont il n’ayait méme 
entendu parler. II riait aux éclats, le traitait de ridicule, et 
remarquait qu’on aurait bien fait de répondre simplement. 
‘Allez vous en faire des conquétes, vous avez oublié votre 
place.” Quand je lui ai observé que selon moi ce projet ne 
voulait dire simplement, que la France demandoit la Belgique, 
il a répondu, que oui; mais, ce n’est plus le moment pour de- 
mander, quand on s’est laissé battre. Il est revenu sur le 
sujet de la prise de Paris, en prétendant que si lon s’était dé- 
fendu comme il le fallait, la ville n’aurait jamais été détruite. 

“En parlant de Si¢yés—‘ C’est un homme sans courage 
tout-d-fait ; je n’ai jamais eu aucune liaison avec lui. Jai été 
admis au direction quand Siéyés avait refusé la place. D’ail- 
leurs, je n’ai jamais fait grand cas des faiseurs de constitu- 
tions, surtout quand on les fait sous la baionette. Il y avait, 
c’est vrai, une occasion d’en avoir fait une qui eit value quelque- 
chose. C’était au moment que Bonaparte s’est fait em- 
pereur” Ce que selon lui Bonaparte aurait du faire, cest-a- 
dire,—garder sa place 4 la téte de la république jusque tout 
eut pris son assiétte, donner une bonne constitution républi- 
caine 4 la France, et quand tout fit tranquille, céder sa place 
—g’aurait été la plus belle chose que Vhistoire a consacré 4 
notre admiration, et le meilleur parti qu il aurait pi prendre. 
Je lui ai demandé si cette idée s’était jamais presenté 4 lesprit 
de Bonaparte. ‘Certainement,’ dit-il; ‘j’avais eu bien soin 
de cela; je lui ai fait parvenir mon opinion par écrit la-dessus, 
et quoique il était (comme les Bourbons) entouré de flagor- 
neurs, il a dit (4 ce qu’on m’en a conté), “Tl n’y a que Vavis 
de Carnot qui ale sens commun.” Depuis cette époque je 
Yai vu deux fois—l’une était aprés la campagne de Vienne. 
Il m’a dit,“Je yous en ai bien voulu pour votre opinion et 


ZT, 37.] WITH CARNOT. 101 


votre voix, mais je yous dis franchement que vous avez rai- 
son.” ” 

“ J’ai parlé de la bataille d’Aspern en la qualifiant du titre 
de la seule grande défaite qu’ont soutenues les armes de la 
France. Il était d’accord, en ajoutant que Bonaparte seule- 
ment avait échappé 4 une défaite beaucoup plus compléte. 
Carnot était d’avis que les Autrichiens auraient dd en tirer 
beaucoup plus de parti, et Bonaparte lui-méme le pensait. 
Quand j’émis opinion qui m’avait fait commencer cette dis- 
cussion dans la chambre des communes, que l Angleterre ° 
aurait pu empécher les suites de la bataille en interrompant 
la jonction du viceroi, il dit qwil n’y avait point de doute 1i- 
dessus. q 

“Bonaparte parlait de PArchidue Charles, en se moquant 
de Inui: il disait, C’est bien heureux d’avoir 4 faire a ce 
prince; j’ai toujours su par des espions deux jours avant 
tout ce qu'il allait faire au lieu que personne ne savait mes 
plans une demie-heure avant; méme ma main droite ne savait 
pas ce que ma main gauche ferait. Aussi ai-je bien joué ce 
bon prince. Il voyait que j’avais fait batir un beau pont, il 
ne pouvait pas concevoir que je ne passerais pas la riviére 
par la. Je n’en avais aucune idée; il a porté ses forces sur 
ce point-li. Je passe de Pautre edté et le bat entitrement. 

“ M. Carnot avouait que le Prince Charles avait de grands 
moyens, mais un caractére indécis, et qwil était anéanti par 
des conseils de guerre qui ne valent jamais rien. Nous avons 
causé sur la campagne de 1796 en Souabe. Le plan était que 
Jourdan et Moreau s’avanceraient également ensemble, Mo- 
reau allait comme de raison lentement. L’autre s’impatien- 
tait, et s’avangait trop. Le Prince Charles, s’en apergu, 
adroitement fondait sur lui, entre lui et Moreau, le battait et 
le forgait de reculer, tombait sur Moreau qui alors fit cette 
belle retraite qu’on ne peut pas trop louer. II parlait avec 
une trés grande admiration du talent qu’a montré le Prince 
Charles dans cette affaire-li, de profiter des bévaes de Jour- 
dan. J’ai parlé des faux pas de lArchiduc, surtout du siége 
de Kehl, qui a donné si beau jeu 4 Moreau. Il] dit que c’était 
certainement une trés grande faute, mais que Penlévement de 
2400 hommes en 1799 pour faire la siége de Philipsburg en 
était une plus fatale encore, si toute fois c’en était une. 


102 NOTES OF CONVERSATIONS [1814. 


“Hin parlant de la conscription, il dit que Bonaparte en 
avait abusé, et avait aussi réduite plus au systeme, mais que 
e’était du temps de la révolution,—on lapellait la réquisition, 
mais c’était la méme chose. Elle est venue comme tous nos 
malheurs et presque tous nos efforts, de Pémigration. On 
nous attaquait ; point d’armée, et le recrutement n’allait pas ; 
on levait, par réquisition, une million tout de suite. Si la 
guerre s’allume, la conscription, peut-étre sous quelque autre 
nom, doit recommencer aussi. .Autrefois on donnait 30 francs 
- pour un recrut. Pendant Ja guerre parmi les conscrits on a 
donné jusqu’d six mille et dix mille remplagants. Elle n’a pas 
été tres odieuse. Depuis deux ans on s’en plaignait, mais 
tout cela est oublié, et ’on reclame mille fois plus et lon est 
effectivement plus mécontent de la continuation des droits 
unis, surtout aprés les promesses trés indiscrétes du Comte 
d’ Artois, qui aurait df savoir que sans cet impdt-la, les finan- 
ces ne peuvent pas aller. - D’abord la conscription pese et 
afflige le conscrit, mais il se dit tout 4 Pheure, Eh bien! me 
voila soldat !—je pourrai devenir lieutenant, sous-capitaine, 
et ensuite Maréchal de France. C’est ce qui est arrivé 4 
@autres—pourquoi pas 4 moi? Alors il s’interesse dans son 
devoir pour apprendre. On ne le tourmente pas comme en 
Allemagne des petites choses qui ne valent rien. Il se dis- 
tingue, il obtient des louanges, des ordres, ete. ; il est soldat 
tout aussi zélé que s’il n’avait jamais été conscrit. 

“Tl dit que le Gouvernement est assez mépris 4 Paris, mais 
beaucoup moins aimé dans les provinces. Les paysans crai- 
gnent le rétablissement des droits féodaux, surtout du dixme, 
qui pesait infiniment sur leurs profits. 

“ Je demandais s’il n’était. pas en danger lui-méme, 4 Paris, 
dans ce moment. II croyait que non, en disant que le Gou- 
vernement voudrait peut-dtre lui faire des tracasseries, mais 
qwil se tenait trés ferme, et en méme temps menait une vie 
trés privée et discrete, ne voyant presque personne—rallant 
jamais dans la société, excepté 4 l'Institut, et ne fréquentant 
point des coteries, surtout politiques. ‘ D’ailleurs,’ dit-il, ‘je 
suis trés populaire ; le soldat m’aime naturellement, et le peu- 
ple de Paris m’est trés attaché: de maniére que je ne peux 
pas aller en ville, dans les rues ou les houtiques, sans en rece- 
voir les temoignages. Si le Gouvernement faisait quelque 


AT. 37, ] WITH CARNOT. 105 


chose de violent sur mon compte, je ne vous dis pas qu’on 
ferait revolter le peuple, mais je suis sir, que de telles dé- 
marches donneraient une tres grande secousse 4 Vopinion 
publique, et ne pourraient qu’¢ctre fort dangereuses.’ 

* Quand je pris la liberté de lui témoigner le grand plaisir 
que j’aurais de causer encore une fois avec lui sur la politique 
et les sciences, et de lui proposer de diner ensemble 4 Vhétel 
du Nord avec Lord Ponsonby (beau-frére de Lord Grey, pour 
qui, il témoignait beaucoup de consideration), il m’a dit que 
cela ne lui serait aucunement possible; car, par prudence, il 
ne le faisait jamais, dans de telles crises.” 


In the summer of 1814 (I think, in the month of July), 
Carnot addressed a memorial to Louis XVIII, the object of 
which was to lay before the King the great evils that would 
arise from any breach of faith with the republican party, or 
any departure from the stipulations which had been agreed 
upon that their personal safety should be assured. There 
were many circumstances connected with this memorial, 
which, although written, had never been published by Car- 
not, that were so interesting at the time, that I took some 
trouble to ascertain the exact facts, in order that I might 
give a correct representation of the case in a review of the 
memorial which I intended to write.* When the article was 
printed, I found an opportunity of sending a copy to Carnot, 
and this produced from him the following letter: 

‘* Paris, Janvier 24, 1815. 

“ MonsirEuR,—Votre digne ami M. le Comte de Surakow- 
ski m’a remis la lettre que vous m’avez fait ’honneur de 
m’écrire, ainsi que le cahier de Novembre du Journal d’Edim- 
bourg. - Il m’a mis au fait de ce qui regarde Vextrait qui me 
concerne dans le Journal, et m’a fait connoitre la personne re- 
spectable & laquelle j’en ai ’obligation ; je la prie d’en recevoir 
mes sincéres remercimens, et d’étre bien convaincue du plaisir 
que j’aurai de la revoir 4 Paris, comme elle me le fait espérer. 

“Agréer, Monsieur, la haute considération avec laquelle j’ai 
Yhonneur d’étre votre trés humble et trés obéissant serviteur, 

 CARNOT.” 
* ** Kidinburgh Review,” No, XLVIL., art. x. 





104 NOTES OF CONVERSATIONS [1814. 


Immediately on my return to London, I wrote as follows to 
Lord Grey: 

‘*Temple, November 7, 1814. 

“My prar Lorp Grey,—On my return last Wednesday, 
I learnt, on calling in Portman Square, that you were expect- 
ed on Saturday ; and I now learn with real sorrow that you 
are not able to come—not, indeed, that I ever expected the 
poor boy’s recovery, but because, from his gaining strength, I 
thought he might have gone over the winter, and allowed me 
to see you in town. My chief desire was to give you any in- 
formation as to the state of things in France—Bonaparte’s 
popularity, now revived since his banishment to Elba, the con- 
tempt of the Bourbons, their bad conduct, the hatred of En- 
gland, inflamed by our folly in sending Wellington there, the 
state of parties and of individuals, the love of war and horror 
of losing Belgium, the Slavetrade, with various other mat- 
ters. By letter one can’t say any thing satisfactory. The 
best way is by being questioned, and answering. 

“Tf there is no chance of your being here before Xmas, I 
must send you a very precious communication—namely, full 
notes of very long and interesting conversations I had with 
Carnot (by far their greatest and most virtuous man), respect- 
ing every curious and important particular of the Revolution 
—times of terror—Directory—campaigns and Bonaparte— 
and the present state of things. I have already shown this to 
Romilly, but now I mean to show it only to yourself, and one, 
or at most two others whom I can rely on. I saw the Duke 
of Orleans also, and Lafayette, with others. 

“My clear conviction is, that you ought to make a run over 
there for a fortnight, to see with your own eyes. If you'll go 
at Xmas,I am going to bring back my mother, whose illness 
unhappily obliged me to leave her behind. 

“You should go alone, en gargon, and might, by having the 
proper things and persons pointed out, see as much in a week 
as another would ina month. It is really important, as a pub- 
lic matter, that you should go and see and hear. That it is 
agreeable, I venture to assure you. I never spent any time 
by half so delightfully ; my fortnight there passed away like 
a day. It required no small fortitude to come over here to 
law; and as for politics, Paris has made me quite indifferent 


HT. 37.) WITH CARNOT. 105 


to them, for I found (what I never could before) that I could 
enjoy life thoroughly without ever thinking of parties. 

“You would at once be at home. The Ponsonbys and 
many others are there, and those who know one another make 
little coteries, and live together. Yours sincerely, 

“H. Broucuam.” 


Accordingly, I took an early opportunity of sending to Lord 
Grey the conversation as I have here given it. 
K 2 


106 PRINCE AND PRINCESS OF WALES. [1810. 


CHAPTER XII. 
THE PRINCE AND PRINCESS OF WALES. 


The Prince of Wales and his Circle at Carlton House.—The Princess Caro- 
line.—Her Circle.—The Delicate Investigation. —The Quarrel, — Corre- 
spondence.—The young Princess Charlotte. —Lady Charlotte Lindsay.— 
The Prince’s Severance from his political Friends. —Whitbread.—Mr. 
Brougham as Adviser of the Princess of Wales and her Daughter.—King 
George III.—His Letter to the Prince on the Situation.—Letter of Re- 
monstrance by the Princess to the Prince.—Account of its Preparation. — 
Deliberations.—Its Delivery and Reception.—Madame de Staél. 


For some years I had refused to be presented to the Prin- 
eess of Wales because of the open quarrel between her and 
the prince, a matter in which I did not wish to be at all 
mixed up, and which those who frequented her society, and 
were persons of any consideration, with difficulty avoided. 
Not that I had the least intercourse with the prince, having 
only become acquainted with him by his desire that I should 
be asked to meet him at Melbourne House, where he treated 
me with the courtesy that belongs to all the family. He was 
on intimate terms with some of my particular friends, espe- 
cially Erskine and the Hollands; and Romilly, who was his so- 
licitor-general for the duchy. I was exceedingly pleased with 
his society. His conversation was that of a very clever per- 
son, and he had considerable powers of mimicry. I recollect 
his taking off Thurlow, who was then living, and also the 
stadtholder, respecting whom his talk was very free; and the 
stories he told of that prince in reference to his own mother 
and sisters, the English princesses, did not seem quite fitting 
before persons whom he saw for the first time. But altogeth- 
er one should have regarded him as a clever and agreeable 
member of society had he been a common person, and might 
even have been struck with him. This was in 1805. Next 
year the Delicate Investigation took place, to the great dis- 
credit of the Whig Ministry, and in which it was very much 
to be lamented that Romilly’s official position compelled him 


ZET, 02. ] HISTORY OF THE QUARREL. 107 


to take a part—the proceeding being an inquiry, behind the 
princess’s back, whether or not she had been guilty of high 
treason.* Having an invitation to dine at Carlton House, I 
ventured to avoid going by leaving home for a day or two, 
and this made my declining to be presented at Kensington 
the more natural. It was not till late in 1809 that Dudley 
and Sir William Drummond, who were constantly there, per- 
suaded me to go, as to a house where agreeable society was 
always assembled. Canning was constantly there, and I had 
no other opportunity of seeing him, which I the rather wished, 
as we had had some differences on the Orders in Council at 
the time when I was counsel for the commercial interests. 
THis friend Charles Ellis (afterwards Lord Seaford) and Gran- 
ville Leveson (afterwards Lord Granville) also frequented the 
princess’s society. A friend whom I greatly esteemed, Lady 
Charlotte Lindsay, and her sister, Lady Glenbervie, were 
among her ladies, both, like all the North family, persons 
equally agreeable and clever; so that without taking any part 
at all in the controversy, I went there as Rogers, Luttrell, and 
others did, whom the princess liked extremely to have about 
her. Canning I often met there; Perceval and Eldon never; 
but she always spoke of them with great kindness, only she 
called: Eldon “old Baggs,” as all the royal family did, which 
once caused a droll mistake, when the regent said, “‘ Send for 
old Baggs,” and the page in waiting summoned Mr. Banks, 
who came in court-dress, and was kept waiting in the ante- 
chamber till the mistake was discovered, which, it is said, he 
did not soonif ever forgive. The conversation at Kensington 
was quite free from any troublesome restraint of etiquette, 
but always with the respect, both in form and substance, due 
to royalty. 

The princess had been ill-used by her husband from the 
very first, as we shall find by looking back to the beginning 
of her maltreatment, upon her first arrival in this country, 
when Lady Jersey was forced into her household, and was in 
league with the prince to misconstrue all her words and ac- 
tions; and, although in her service nominally, to act as the 
prince’s ally against her. 





* See above, p. 61. 


108 PRINCE AND PRINCESS OF WALES. [1810. 


The following letter to him urges, or rather repeats, her 
complaints on this subject: 


“ Je suis trop pénétrée des devoirs que m’imposent les rela- 
tions que j’ai avec vous pour blesser en quoique ce soit votre 
délicatesse, je ne decide point des raisons pour lesquelles vous 
croyez devoir ménager Lady Jersey, et je ne souhaite pas du 
tout de lui nuir dans Popinion publique, mais j’en appelle a 
votre ménioire sur le maniére dont elle s’est conduite vis-i-vis 
de moi 4 Brighton; elle etoit telle, que je suis en droit d’aprés 
votre lettre méme* @insister qu’elle demande sa rétraite; une 
femme qui j’ai raison de regarder comme la cause de la dé- 
sunion qui regne malheureusement entre nous, ne peut que 
m’étre personnellement désagréable. Vous avez du sens et un 
cceur—mettez vous 4 ma place, et pronongez!! Aprés cet 
aveu que je vous fais, ma surprise est grande de voir Lady 
Jersey s’obstiner 4 rester 4 mon service, en dépit de Pidée 
qu’elle sait que je dois avoir d’elle, c’est annoncer un manque 
absolu de delicatesse. Ce seroit agir en ami avec elle que de 
lui persuader de faire sans hésiter davantage, cette démarche ; 
personne ne pourra m’imputer le motif d’agir en personne, qui 
manque d’estime pour vous quand je vous demande de con- 
sentir 4 ce que je désire avec tant de justice. Vous me con- 
jurez de ne pas mettre obstacle 4 la bonne intelligence que 
vous croyez devoir résulter de Paccord que vous me proposez ; 
je vous conjure, 4 mon tour, de vous rappeller ce que je suis 
en droit d’attendre de vous, et des sentimens paternels que 
vous devez 4 votre enfant qui souffrira toute sa vie de notre 
désunion. Je suis, avec la plus grande sincérité, votre de- 
vouce, CAROLINE. 

‘Te 28 de Mai, 1796.” 


The matter was brought before the king (George III.), and 
he obtained a promise from the prince that the cause of the 
princess’s complaints should cease. .A report having been cir- 
culated that she showed repugnance to a perfect reconciliation 
with the prince, she at once wrote as follows to the king: 


“ Srrr,—Je me vois encore dans la facheuse nécessité de 
troubler la tranquillité de votre Majesté par une lettre qui in- 


ZT. 82.) _ HISTORY OF THE QUARREL. + SLOS 


téresse essentiellement mon bonheur et mon répos, et de ré- 
courir 4 Ses Sages Conseils. CO’est avec la plus grande sur- 
prise que j’ai appris que l’on répandoit dans le public le bruit 
de ma répugnance 4 me préter 4 une parfaite réconciliation 
avec le Prince de Galles; tandis qwil ne peut y avoir de bon- 
heur pour moi, que dans un rapprochement sincére avec lui: je 
supplie donc votre Majesté de me rendre la justice de croire, 
maleré tous les rapports contraires qu’on pourra lui en faire, 
que ce sont li mes véritables sentimens. 

“ J’ai Phonneur de joindre ici une copie de la réponse que 
j’ai faite 4 Lord Moira sur les propositions du prince, que 
votre Majesté juge elle méme, si le prince est en droit de s’en 
offenser, puis qu'elle n’a pas été donné dans Vidée de lui pre- 
scrire des termes, mais seulement, parceque je n’étois mal- 
heureusement, que trop persuadée que c’étoit Punique moyen 
d’obtenir cette vraie réconciliation dont dépend mon seul 
bonheur. 

“ Jai Vhonneur de me dire, avec le plus profond respect, 
Sire, de votre Majesté la trés humble et trés obeissante fille et 


sujette, CaRo_ine. 
“Ce 19 de Juin, 1796.” 


To this the king next day answered as follows: 


‘* Windsor, ce 20 Juin, 1796. 
“ Mapame MA Firtxie,—J’ai regu hier votre lettre au sujet 
du bruit répandu dans le public de votre répugnance 4 vous 
‘préter & une parfaite réconciliation avec mon fils le Prince 
de Galles; je ne disconviens pas que cette opinion commence 
i. prendre racine, et qwil n’y a quw’une manitre de la detruire, 
cest que mon fils ayant consenti que la Comtesse de Jersey 
doit, suivant votre désir, quitter votre service, et ne pas étre 
admise 4 votre société privée, vous devez témoigner votre 
désir qwil revient chez lui, et que pour rendre la réconcilia- 
tion compléte on doit des deux cétés s’abstenir de reproches, 
et ne faire des confidences 4 d’autres sur ce sujet. Une con- 
duite si propre certainement remettra cette union entre mon 
fils et vous, qui est un des événemens que j’ai le plus 4 cceur. 
Mon fils le Duc de York vous remettra cette lettre, et vous 
assuréra de plus de lamitié sincére avec la quelle je suis, Ma- 

dame Ma Belle Fille, votre trés affectionné Beau Pére, 
“ Grorce R.” 


110 PRINCE AND PRINCESS OF WALES. [1810. 


Upon receiving this letter she immediately, indeed on the 
same day, wrote as follows to the prince: 


“Je saisis avec le plus grand empressement les ordres de 
Sa Majesté Le Roi, qui dans la lettre dont il vient de m’ho- 
norer, me marque que vous cedez a ses désirs, ce qui me péné- 
tre de la plus vive joye. Je vois done arriver avec un plaisir 
extréme, le moment qui vous raprochera de Carlton House, et 
qui va terminer pour toujours une mesintelligence dont je 
vous assure que de mon coté il ne sera plus question. Si 
vous me faites ’honneur de rechercher ma société 4 Pavenir, 
je mettrai tous mes efforts 4 la rendre agréable. Si j’ai pa 
jamais vous déplair, soyez assez généreux pour me le pardon- 
ner, et comptez sur une réconnoissance qui ne finera qu’avec 
ma vie. J’ose m’en flatter comme mére de votre enfant et 
comme celle qui est votre toute devouée CaRoLine. 

“Le 20 Juin, 1796.” 


On the anniversary of his birth, 11th of August, she wrote 
to him as follows: 


“Ce n’est quau nom de ma fille que je hasarde de vous 
écrire ces peu de lignes, et de me joindre 4 ses sentiments 
quelle ne peut pas encore exprimer; nous faisons mutuelle- 
ment des veux pour votre bonheur, et la continuation de 
votre precieuse santé—c’est un jour si interessant pour nous 
deux que nous ne saurions le laisser passer sans vous le 
témoigner, et sous ce titre vous me pardonnez, j’éspére, cette 
liberté. ’ 

“Jose me flatter cependant qu’en aimant votre fille, vous 
protégerez la mére, qui en sentira toute sa vie la plus parfaite 
réconnaissance, et qui est votre trés devouée = CARoLine. 

**Ce 11 d’Aoat, 1796, Carlton House.” 


To which the prince replied : 


“ MapamE,—Je saisis le premier moment pour vous remer- 
cier de la lettre que vous avez bien voulu m’Ccrire, et que j’ai 
regu hier, 4 Voccasion de lanniversaire de mon jour de nais- 
sance. Acceptez aussi bien mes remerciments pour la manidére 


AT. 32.] HISTORY OF THE QUARREL. | PEL 


que vous vous y exprimez, tant pour ma fille que pour vous 
méme, et soyez en assuré que personne ne saurait en étre plus 
sensible que moi. 

“ C’est avec sentiments de réconnoissance que j’ai ’honneur 
de m’écrire, Madame, votre trés humble serviteur, 


“ GrorcE, P. 
‘‘ Weymouth, le 13 d’Aoait.” 


This letter is barely civil, and plainly shows that there had 
been no alteration in his intentions, and that all his concessions 
respecting Lady Jersey had been wrung from him by the 
king ; for immediately after, his treatment of her was worse 
than aver: 

The princess never consulted me on any subject connected 
with her own affairs during the first two years, 1809 and 1810, 
except as to taking Lady Charlotte Campbell as one of her la- 
dies, which she had been strongly pressed to do, as an act of 
kindness; and she asked if I thought she would be a safe per- 
son, considering the prince’s plan of surrounding her with 

spies, and the absurd attempts made in 1806, after the charge 
had failed, to construe every thing into want of becoming re- 
serve and proper state. 

The Princess of Wales had, on the part of her daughter, 
and by her desire, consulted me as to the prince. I “think 
this was in the latter end of 1810. 

Differences existed, and the Princess Charlotte taking part 
with her mother gave rise to constant disputes, as did the ap- 
pointment of her ladies and governor. The Princess Char- 
lotte was desirous, therefore, of ascertaining on what footing 
she stood in point of right, and whether she was entirely sub- 
ject to his pleasure and control, more especially as she was 
anxious to have an establishment or household formed, when 
in a few years she would be eighteen. I fully examined the 
whole subject, and gave her all the information possible, show- 
ing her that by law the power of the Crown is absolute over 
all the members of the royal family, and particularly that the 
sovereign for the time being has the exclusive right to direct 
their education, residence, guardianship, in all particulars, 
while under age. It. had been so solemnly decided by a con- 
ference of all the twelve judges, one only differirig, or rather 


112 PRINCE AND PRINCESS OF WALES. [1s11. 


expressing doubts. The Princess: Charlotte asked to have 
my opinion rather than Perceval’s or Eldon’s, whom she knew 
to be at that time her mother’s advisers, because they might 
be supposed to take part against her father. 

Early in 1811 Lady Charlotte Lindsay received the follow- 
ing letter from the Princess of Wales: 


‘* January 3, 1811. 

“My pear Lapy Cuartorre,—I am like the Roman Em- 
pire, in a state of ‘decadence.’ When you meet me again in 
the month of March, the most violent pain, which you must 
remember I had once in my loins at the time you were with 
me at Kensington, paid me again a visit on the eve of New- 
year’s Day, and wished me joy (I suppose) on the season. 
This visitor gave me the most insinuating pain imaginable ; 
and the spirit of turpentine, which I used most unmercifully 
upon my old carcass, has vanished the phantom who destroyed 
my peace like Major Arvay ” (sic), “ which deprived me from 
meeting you, at dear Lady Glenbervie’s, if not a cold had op- 
pressed you also. I don’t invite you for Monday, as I am not 
sure whether you will at that time not already be at the 
Priory ; besides, it will be very dull, as only duty brings me 
to town, to make first a visit in Hanover Square, and then an 
early dinner at five o’clock at Kensington. I only sleep one 
night there, as they tell me it is not proper to fly by night, 
‘pour la future Reine,’ though I trust and hope that I am 
safer now than I have ever been—that that misfortune will 
not come over my head, as the accounts are every day better 
and better. I hope you are delighted with my dear friend 
Canning’s speech,* which was eloquent, judicious, and ener- 
getic. I have seen nobody since last Sunday. I sat between 
two philosophers, the one Greek and the other Hebrew. Mrs. 
Fish sat opposite them, like the figure of Justice with the 
scales in her hands, measuring their words and sentiments, 
which, I am sure she, even by concatenation of ideas, did not 
understand, and they were like hypotheses and hyperboles to 
her waking brain. 

“By the newspapers of to-day I see that Lady Oxford is 





* On the Regency—defense of Pitt. 


AT. 30. ] HISTORY OF THE QUARREL. Gta: 


arrived at her new residence; and if it is the case that for 
once they say the truth, tell her that I shall be at Kensington 
on the 7th, and if she will come at ten o’clock, with my Lord 
and Lady Jane—Lord Archibald—I shall be delighted; other- 
wise she must come one morning, which we will then fix, to 
Blackheath. 

“Give my love to your friends at Lisbon, and tell them in 
what a state of seclusion I now live in, and of despair that 
they are from their native country. The first restrictions 
which it seems the present regent has made upon Kensington 
is to be to appear in the garment of melancholy on the 7th, 
which, of course, as I am his first subject, I submit to with- 
out protest. I suppose you know that I remain here in this 
delightful and solitary recluse and sedentary residence till the 
9th of February. My best compliments to Lord and Lady 
Abercrombie, and to the proud Aberdeen, who will not ac- 
cept my box, at which I am very angry ; for the moment Miss 
Flayman comes, I intend to procure a person who shall take 
it entirely off my hands for the present season, as certainly I 
shall not go again to the play for along time. The reason I 
will tell you when we meet. I wish Miss Flayman was now 
with me, as she is entertaining and of high spirits, and at 
Kensington she is as a lost good between the many entertain- 
ing and pleasant people I meet there. Even the snow don’t 
prevent me from walking. I have only been two days con- 
fined to myroom. It is very.true that a certain portfolio has 
been very much increased since my ‘séjour in this little ca- 
bane” Iam now about writing a novel, of which the scene 
lies in Greece, and the topography of Mr. Gell’s book will 
be of very great use to me to make it as probable as pos- 
sible. 

“T expect Mrs. Polein ten days. Poor dear Mrs. Beauclerk 
does nothing but writing, and plaguing me to death with her 
unentertaining letters. I answered her for once, and told her 
that from my fireside, and the snow on the top house, and Mrs. 
Leslie’s witticisms, I could not make out any sort of suitable 
letter to a friend; but, unmercifully, she has answered me im- 
mediately, two instead of one. 

“ Now I think it is high time that I also close my letter, as 
otherwise I fear you would also accuse me as I did Mrs, Beau- 


114 PRINCE AND PRINCESS OF WALES. [1812. 


clerk, on the fluency of my pen and the sterility of subjects ; 
and believe me only your sincere and affectionately, 
PC ae 


In 1811, the regent having broken with his wife’s political 
and personal friends, and kept the Liverpools and Percevals 
in office, all of that party, except Canning, Ward, and Gran- 
ville Leveson, gave up the princess’s acquaintance ; and I rec- 
ollect a dinner at her Blackheath villa, to which they were all 
invited, when Canning and Ward alone came, the rest of the 
chairs being unoccupied. This abandonment led to her and 
her daughter consulting me on all matters, and also Whit- 
bread, who had lately made her acquaintance, though not the 
Princess Charlotte’s. The cruel treatment went on as be- 
fore. Above all, the intercourse with her daughter was more 
and more restricted, and there were indications of an intention 
to cut it entirely off. It was said she was to be confirmed 
without her mother being present. This would have been 
such a public condemnation of her as she could not be ex- 
pected to bear without resistance; and both mother and 
daughter felt it alike, and viewed it in the same light. Be- 
fore I left town I received the following letter from Whit- 
bread. I give it, although it does not relate to the Princess 
of Wales: 

** Southhill, August 12, 1812. 

“T ought to be ashamed of myself for not having returned 
an answer to your first letter at a much earlier period; but 
when you read, as you will do, in the paper of to-day, that on 
Monday last, and not before, was married the Hon. William 
Waldegrave to Elizabeth, the eldest daughter of Samuel 
Whitbread, Esq., you will perhaps pardon me; for I do as- 
sure you I have been very fully occupied. At last it is done; 
they are settled at Cardington, which we have made a most 
complete and beautiful cottage for them, and there is strong 
reason to hope they will be happy. Lady Elizabeth is just 
preparing to pay a visit to the bride, and is as reasonably 
happy as you can well imagine. 

“Your success in the summer as well as in the winter thea- 
tres has been so great that I should have no hesitation in of- 
fering you an engagement. Your individual attraction would 


ZT, 34.] CONSULTED BY THE PRINCESS. 115 


be great, but as Creevey has offered himself for low comedy, 
I think that by taking you both I should do wonders for the 
theatre. I have before me a letter just received from the old 
manager, who is living in retirement at Isleworth, away from 
the profligate capital, recovering his health and spirits in se- 
clusion from an ungrateful world; his society the late King 
of France and the princes of the blood; and he says his Maj- 
esty is a better Whig than any of us. 

“ He further tells me that Mr. Fitzgerald is Chancellor of 
Irish Exchequer, and Mr. Peel Secretary for Ireland. 

* Moreover, he says he could tell me a great deal more, and 
that he means to write every day. 

“He had told me before that Canning was off, and his 
negotiation ended, because he was stout about the Catholic 
question, and that it had nothing to do with the lead in the 
House of Commons. He now tells me he was wrong in the 
point; that our point, I suppose, was the point; but I sup- 
pose, also, Canning is all on again, and that he will be the 
minister of the House of Commons somehow. 

“Pray tell me, what I always forgot to ask you, who com- 
municated to you all the civil speeches reported to have been 
made by Canning of me. It is mere matter of curiosity, but 
I should like to know how true the report. 

“JT am indeed uneasy about America. If the war shall die 
in its birth, go no farther than the Declaration, and that that 
shall be deemed as a non-avenu, the moment our revocation 
is known, it will be a good thing the Declaration should have 
been made for the reasons you state; but till I hear it is an- 
nounced, I confess I shall be uneasy. The president will use 
the war for forwarding his own objects. 

“T see our Birmingham friends are in high spirits, and 
seem to anticipate no evil. 

“J have no faith in the declaration of Bonaparte in the 
north, nor do I feel quite confident, as so many do, that the 
French will very shortly be on the other side of the Ebro. 
But if the victory of Salamanca should be confirmed, I should 
forthwith dispatch a proposal to Riga, where I suppose the 
Emperor will soon be found, with instructions to follow him 
on the road to Petersburg, if he should have taken it. 

“Our harvest has begun this day, and our hay is not all in. 


116 THE PRINCESS OF WALES } [1812. 


The barometer rises, and we have a prospect of dry weather 
to get in the grain, which certainly in this part of the world 
has not yet suffered by the rain. But I was very much afraid 
days ago that corn would be nought. 

* What work all thisis! What! no bills of indictment at 
York—no rioters! What work at Leicester too! Well, I 
am very glad we did our duty. 

“T shall be glad to hear from you at all times, and from all 
places, particularly from Liverpool. The best regards of the 
party here attend you. 

“ Ever yours, S. WuirsreaD. 

“ Brand’s brother is very ill. You are likely to lose a re- 

former from the nether House.” 


Before leaving town for the circuit (August, 1812), I had 
strongly urged upon both mother and daughter to have no 
communication with the Court, except in writing, well know- 
ing what had previously been the consequence of verbal com- 
munications. When, therefore, Lord Grey, to whom I had 
mentioned generally the discords prevailing in the family, 
saw a newspaper paragraph mentioning that a correspond- 
ence was going on between the parties, I was convinced this 
must have some foundation; and I wrote to Lady Charlotte 
Lindsay what Grey had stated. The answer confirmed my 
notions, and it brought the draft of a letter which the prin- 
cess wished to send, after submitting it to me. I was de- 
sired to send the letters and answers to Lord Grey. I there- 
fore wrote to him. 


TO EARL GREY. 

. ‘* Brougham, August 22, 1812. 

“Dear Lorp Grey,—The Princess of Wales has desired 
me to send you the correspondence, and I shall by next post 
inclose a copy of her letter to Lady Charlotte Lindsay. 
There is a draft of a letter to be sent on the 29th, but I need 
not send it. Indeed, I wish to revise and alter it a little, in 
case it should be thought right that the letter shall not bear 
internal marks of being her own, for at present it is*in @er- 
man, rather than English. She has behaved with great dis- 
cretion, and even judgment and skill. Ill thank you to re- 


1 


ZT. d4.] AND THE PRENCESS CHARLOTTE. tig 


turn these letters when you have perused and considered 
them, and to give me your thoughts on the subject. I have, 
as yet, only recommended to prepare a full and temperate 
remonstrance, stating the case, and to present it in the most 
formal and respectful manner, in case the system is perse- 
vered in—meaning such a paper as might hereafter be made 
public, when a proper time arrived, if this step should become 
necessary. Ever most truly yours, H. Broucuam. 

“ P.S.—Romilly is to be at Durham (as Chancellor of the 
County Palatine) on the 25th or 26th, and then he goes to 
Scotland; I believe. I wish you would write and ask him to 
go to Howick, for I am sure he would like it much, and he is 
always the better for associating with the leaders of the party. 
IT have fixed nothing about Liverpool, except to go to the din- 
ner on the 4th. The nearer I view such a place, the more I 
feel afraid of the drudgery of it, even if all were secure. I 
have resolved, if bad news arrives from America, to ask them 
to put. off the celebration untif all is made up in that quarter, 
for really until then we have done nothing. That ultimately 
it must be settled I am quite confident, but the delay is very 
injurious. 

“Pray, don’t you think that if the news is decidedly war- 
like there should be addresses to the prince to assemble Par- 
liament? If you think so,it can be done with great ease in 
all the towns.” 


Lord Grey answered this letter as follows: 


FROM LORD GREY. 
“**Wowick, August 29, 1812. 

“ My prEar Brovenamu,—lI have delayed returning the prin- 
cess’s papers longer than I ought, but I thought while you 
were occupied at Lancaster it could not be of much conse- 
quence, and I have been a good deal occupied myself, both by 
visitors and by business. I now send them all in three sepa- 
rate covers, which accompany this. The prince’s conduct has 
been such as we may be pretty sure it will be on all occasions. 
He has given the princess a great advantage, which it requires 
only common prudence on her part to turn to good account, 
and hitherto she appears to me to have conducted herself very 


118 THE PRINCESS OF WALES [1812. 


. 
judiciously, I think you did quite right in recommending 
that the letter should be sent as she had writtenit. It is very 
good in substance, and the style proving it to be her own is an 
advantage. <A full remonstrance, for which there is an abun- 
dance of excellent topics, if it becomes necessary, should be care- 
fully written; and in a formal step of that nature she could 
not be supposed to act without an adviser. I hope, however, 
that it will not be necessary; and from what Macmahon says 
in his note, I am inclined to believe that they will not ob- 
ject to the Princess Charlotte’s going to Kensington once a 
week, 

“ Remember your promise to pay us a visit. JI hear much 
better accounts of Thanet. 

“ Ever yours, GREY.” 


At this time I received the following from Lady Charlotte 
Lindsay : 


° 
FROM LADY CHARLOTTE LINDSAY. 


‘* Sheffield Place, September 2, 1812. 

“Dear Mr. Brovenam, —I received both your letters, 
with the inclosure quite safe. I communicated the contents 
of them to H.R.H., who has sent me so many messages to 
you in her answer that I think the shortest way is to send you 
her letter, which I need not trouble you to return. Lady de 
Clifford caught the inflammation in her eyes at a charming 
Jéte given at Princess Elizabeth’s cottage, where the rain not 
only penetrated their clothes, but also played the part of soup, 
and filled their dishes and plates at dinner. I fear it will do 
more serious damage. ‘The Maid of Orleans’ means Lady 
Anne Hamilton, who is to succeed Lady Charlotte Campbell 
in waiting, and for whose unmarried condition the Duke of 
Gloucester expressed much concern. I have not heard of the 
regent’s intention of visiting Liverpool, but perhaps he may 
intend to proceed there from Warwickshire. 

“ Believe me, my dear Mr. Brougham, yours very sincerely, 

“ C. Linpsay. 

“T send you with this a letter just received from the prin- 

cess.” 


ZT. 34.] AND THE PRINCESS CHARLOT TE. 119 


THE PRINCESS OF WALES TO LADY CHARLOTTE LINDSAY. 


My pear Lapy Cuartorrn,—Many thanks for your two 
kind notes; and I beg of you to send, as soon as possible, the 
two inclosed papers to Mr. Brougham; and mention to him, 
in the first place, that he is at liberty to show all the papers, 
present and future, to Lord Grey ; secondly, that Lady Eliza- 
beth and Mr. Whitbread saw the papers, and are aware of 
this cruel treatment; thirdly, that my daughter is perfectly 
aware of this dreadful barbarism, and that if possible her at- 
tachment is more steady and strong than ever before, and her 
eyes are completely opened to all the bad proceedings and 
illegal proceedings since my being in this country; that her 
father hardly speaks to her, and that she is not the least anx- 
ious that they should be upon another footing in future; in 
short, that she has a complete contempt of her father’s char- 
acter, which she obtained, not from influence, but from her 
own sagacity, and experience which she has made of a similar 
ill treatment. She abhors the queen and the Duke of Cum- 
berland. She has no confidence in any of the princesses, nor 
in either of the dukes. Miss Elphinstone, as well as Lady 
Barbara Ashley—two young ladies of whose acquaintance the 
prince had approved two years ago, and who were the only 
she ever corresponded with—their letters were intercepted 
by the special order of the regent; and though there was no 
high treason in them, the correspondence was forbid, as well 
as the waiting, for which reason my daughter has no other 
intimate friend than her mother. That she writes every day 
- twelve ‘pages, and sometimes more, having nobody to whom 
she could open her heart so freely and so trusty. I should be 
very grateful to all the family for having adopted this new 
plan to write, to prevent that I should ever have any influence 
over her as my daughter; and I am now so united that no 
event could make a disunion between us. Even the great 
difficulty to get a letter to her, and to receive one, gives a 
zest to our correspondence. So you will see,my dear Lady 
Charlotte, by the letter from the chancellor to Lady de Clif- 
ford, that there is no objection for the writing to me. I can 
not otherwise look upon it than a trap to get possession of 
our correspondence, but which will be unsuccessful, as the 


120 THE PRINCESS OF WALES woe fines 


letters are sent to Lady de Clifford’s house, under her ad- 
dress, sealed with my own seal; and her confidential servant 
carries them himself down every two days. Lady de Clifford 
was to have been sent away if she had not shown proper spirit 
in mentioning to the regent that, if he intended to send her 
away, Lord Albemarle and her son, Lord de Clifford, would _ 
ask an audience of the regent to be acquainted with the rea- 
son for which Lady de Clifford was dismissed; for which 
reason, for the present, she is not moved. Charlotte is quite 
aware of it, and is perfectly determined to refuse any goy- 
erness whatever, as she knows that she is of age, and wishes 
to continue to keep Lady de Clifford about her, either as gov- 
erness or as lady of the bed-chamber. Now, my dear Lady 
Charlotte, I leave to your own judgment into what small com- 
pass you intend to forward all this budget of complaint and 
plague. I trust I shall soon have the pleasure of seeing you 
again; and I am glad to hear that your new brother-in-law is 
good for something, and that it will succeed. Yours, 
Cie 

“My daughter came to Blackheath this Tuesday. Satur- 
day, the 22d, she is to come to Kensington. Friday, the 21st 
—the Duke of Clarence’s birthday—every body shall be at 
Frogmore, for which reason she is with me the Saturday, 22d 
of August.” 

> 

It soon appeared that the expectations founded on Mac- 
mahon’s letter were not fulfilled. Lady Charlotte Lindsay 
wrote as follows: 


FROM LADY CHARLOTTE LINDSAY. 


‘¢ Sheffield Place, September 8. 

“Dear Mr. Brovenam,—I send you inclosed several pa- 
pers relative-to Princess Charlotte’s visits, which I have been 
commanded to forward to you; and I have just received an- 
other letter from Kensington, telling me that Princess Char- 
lotte came there the day before yesterday, accompanied by 
Miss Knight, and that before Miss Knight set off from Wind- 
sor, the queen sent to her, and gave her a charge not to let 
Princess Charlotte go out of her sight for one moment; and 
her majesty also sent for Princess Charlotte, and told her that 


ZET. 39. ] AND THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE. 121) 


she was not to retire at all; upon which she replied, ‘ that af- 
ter so long a journey she must retire to dress, and make her- 
self clean before dinner; and that what she had to say to her 
mother she could say before any body, as she made no secret 
of her feelings upon their strange proceedings.’ 

“Yours truly, ChE? 


Among other letters on the same subject, all proving the 
interdiction of communication with the Princess Charlotte, is 
the following: 


FROM LADY CHARLOTTE LINDSAY. 
‘September 29, 1812. 

“ Dear Mr. Brovucuam,—I inclose in two covers several 
papers that I have this morning received from H.R.H., who 
went to Windsor last Sunday. She stopped at the lodge that 
had been destined by the king for her occupation whenever 
she should go to Windsor. She wrote from thence to Lady 
de Clifford, desiring she would bring Princess Charlotte 
there. Lady de Clifford’s answer is one of the inclosures. 
Then she wrote to Colonel Disbrowe, and asked an audience 
of her majesty: what passed at that interview is another of 
the inclosures. 

“T hope, as I send these letters before the Parliament is 
dissolved, that you will not have an enormous sum to pay for 
them. I shall direct to Brougham, though I suppose that you 
have been obliged to leave your woods and wilds for the un- 
romantic streets of Liverpool, where I most sincerely hope 
that you will meet with the most complete success. The 
Princess desires me to tell you that she has not communicated 
any thing respecting the Windsor matters either to Mr. Can- 
ning or to Mr. Ward, as she suspects that they will join the 
ministers very soon. She would have wished to have talked 
to the Whitbreads upon this subject, but they did not go to 
her at Kensington when they were last in London, which 
seems to have disappointed her. Adieu, dear Mr. Brougham. 
With every good wish for your success, I remain yours very 
sincerely, C. Linpsay.” 


It may be right here to insert a very remarkable letter of 
Vor. I.—F 


122 THE PRINCESS OF WALES [1812. 


the king (George III), showing how different were his views 
on all that related to both mother and daughter. It is ad- 
dressed to the prince. The princess had not a distinct recol- 
lection of the date, but it must have been long before the fa- 
mous session of 1809 and the Duke of York’s business, which 
to a certain degree had lessened the quarrels of the royal 
family among themselves, making them feel the necessity of 
hanging together while there was such a public clamor 
against them. 


« Grorcius Rex.—The professions you have lately made 
in your letters of your particular regard to me are so contra- 
dictory to your actions, that I can not suffer myself to be im- 
posed upon by them. You know very well you did not give 
the least intimation to me or to the queen that the princess 
was with child till within a month of the birth of the young 
princess. 

“ You removed the princess twice in the week immediately 
preceding the day of her delivery from the place of my resi- 
dence, in expectation (as you voluntarily declared) of her 1a- 
bor; and both times, upon your return, you industriously con- 
cealed from the knowledge of me and the queen every cir- 
cumstance relating to this important affair; and you at last, 
without giving notice to me or to the queen, precipitately 
hurried the princess from Hampton Court in a condition not 
to be named. After having thus, in execution of your own 
determined measures, exposed both the princess and her child 
to the greatest perils, you now plead surprise and tenderness 
for the princess as the only motives that occasioned these re- 
peated indignities to me, and to the queen your mother. 

“ This extravagant and ungrateful behavior in so essential 
a point as the birth of an heir to my crown, is such an evi- 
dence of your premeditated defiance of me, and such a con- | 
tempt of my authority, and of the natural right belonging to 
your parents, as can not be excused by the pretended inno- 
cence of your intentions, nor palliated or disguised by spe- 
cious words only; but the whole tenor of your conduct for a 
considerable time has been so entirely void of all real duty to 
me, that I have long had reason to be highly offended with 
you; and until you withdraw your regard and confidence 


AT. 35. ] AND THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE. 2 


from those by whose instigation and advice you are aided 
and encouraged in your unwarrantable behavior to me and to 
the queen, and until you return to your duty, you shall not 
reside in my palace, which I will not suffer to be made the 
resort of them who, under the appearance of an attachment 
to you, foment the division which you have made in my 
family, and thereby weakened the common interest of the 
whole. : 

“Tn this situation I will receive no reply; but when your 
actions manifest a just sense gf your duty and submission, 
that may induce me to pardon what at present I most justly 
resent. 

“In the mean time, it is my pleasure that you leave St. 
James’s with all your family, when it can be done without 
prejudice or inconvenience to the princess. 

“JT shall for the present leave to the princess the care of my 
granddaughter, until a proper time calls upon me to consider 
of her education. Gok.” 


The prince was with much difficulty persuaded by Liver- 
pool and Eldon to read a letter which the Princess of Wales 
had written, and proposed to send to Queen Charlotte. 

He wrote to the Princess Charlotte respecting it, asking 
who had written it. The Duke of Kent told her that in 
speaking to him about it “he blessed his stars it had not 
been written to him, so he was relieved from having to an- 
swer it, which he should not have known how to do.” This 
was certainly an additional reason, as both the princesses 
thought, for going farther; and on the best consideration I 
could give the subject, it seemed expedient that the princess 
should address a letter to the prince direct. That letter was 
as follows : 





“Srr,—It is with great. reluctance that I presume to in- 
trude myself upon your royal highness, and to solicit your 
attention to matters which may, at first, appear rather of a 
. personal than a public nature. If I could think them so, if 
they related merely to myself, I should abstain from a pro- 
ceeding which might give uneasiness, or interrupt the more 
weighty occupations of your royal highness’s time; I should 


124 THE PRINCESS OF WALES [1813. 


continue in silence and retirement to lead the life which has 
been prescribed to me, and console myself for the loss of that 
society and those domestic comforts to which I have been so 
long a stranger, by the reflection that it has been deemed 
proper I should be afflicted, without any fault of my own, and 
that your royal highness knows it. 

“ But, sir, there are considerations of a higher nature than 
any regard to my own happiness, which render this address a 
duty both to myself and my daughter; may I venture to say 
a duty also to my husband, apd the people committed to his 
care? There is a point beyond which a guiltless woman can 
not with safety carry her forbearance; if her honor is in- 
yaded, the defense of her reputation is no longer a matter of 
choice; and it signifies not whether the attack be made 
openly, manfully, and directly, or by secret insinuations, and 
by holding such conduct towards her as countenances all the 
suspicions that malice can suggest. If these ought to be the 
feelings of every woman in England who is conscious she 
deserves no reproach, your royal highness has too much 
judgment, and too nice a sense of honor, not to perceive how 
much more justly they belong to the mother of your daugh- 
ter—the mother of her who is destined, I trust at a very dis- 
tant period, to reign over the British empire. 

“Jt may be known to your royal highness, that during the 
continuance of the restrictions upon your royal authority I 
still was inclined to delay taking this step, in the hope that I 
might owe the redress I sought to your gracious and unsolic- 
ited condescension. I have waited in the fond indulgence 
of this expectation, until, to my inexpressible mortification, I 
find that my unwillingness to complain has only produced 
fresh grounds of complaint; and I am at length compelled 
either to abandon all regard to the two dearest objects which 
I possess on earth—mine own honor and my beloved child— 
or to throw myself at the feét of your royal highness, the nat- 
ural protector of both. 

“TI presume, sir, to represent to your royal highness, that 
the separation, which every succeeding month is making 
wider, of the mother and the daughter, is equally injurious 
to my character and to her education. I say nothing of the 
deep wound which so cruel an arrangement inflicts upon my 


ET. 30. | AND THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE. 125 


feelings, although I would fain hope that few persons will be 
found of a disposition to think lightly of this. To see my- 
self cut off from one of the very few domestic enjoyments 
left me—certainly the only one upon which I set any value, 
the society of my child—involves me in such misery as I well 
know your royal highness never could inflict upon me if you 
were aware of its bitterness. Our intercourse has been 
gradually diminished ; a single interview weekly seemed suf- 
ficiently hard allowance for a mother’s affections: that, how- 
ever was reduced to our meeting once a fortnight; and I 
now learn that even this most rigorous interdiction is to be 
still more rigidly enforced. But while I do not venture to 
intrude my feelings as a mother upon your royal highness’s 
notice, I must be allowed to say, that in the eyes of an obsery- 
ing and jealous world this separation of a daughter from her 
mother will only admit of one construction—a construction 
fatal to the mother’s reputation. Your royal highness will 
also pardon me for adding, that there is no less inconsistency 
than injustice in this treatment. He who dares advise your 
royal highness to overlook the evidence of my innocence, and 
disregard the sentence of complete acquittal which it pro- 
duced, or is wicked and false enough still to whisper suspi- 
cions in your ear, betray his duty to you, sir, to your daugh- 
ter, and to your people, if he counsels you to admit a day to 
pass without a further investigation of my conduct. I know 
that no such calumniator will venture to recommend a meas- 
ure which must speedily end in his utter confusion. 

“Then let me implore you to reflect on the situation in 
which I am placed: without the shadow of a charge against 
me}; without even an accuser; after an inquiry that led to 
my ample vindication, yet treated as if I were still more cul- 
pable than the perjuries of my suborned traducers repre- 
sented me, holding me up to the world as a mother who may 
not enjoy the society of her only child. 

“The feelings, sir, which are natural to my unexampled 
situation, might justify me in the gracious judgment of your 
royal highness, had I no other motives for addressing you 
but such as relate to myself. The serious, and soon it may 
be the irreparable, injury which my daughter sustains from 
the plan at present pursued, has done more in overcoming my 


126 THE PRINCESS OF WALES [1818. 


reluctance to intrude upon your royal highness than any suf- 
ferings of my own could accomplish. And if for her sake I 
presume to call away your royal highness from the other 
cares of your exalted station, I feel confident I am not claim- 
ing this for a matter of inferior importance, either to your- 
self or your people. 

“The powers with which the constitution of these realms 
vests your royal highness in the regulation of the royal family, 
I know, because I am so advised, are ample and unquestiona- 
ble. My appeal, sir, is made to your excellent sense and lib- 
erality of mind in the exercise of those powers ; and I willing- 


ly hope that your own parental feelings will lead you to ex- | 


cuse the anxiety of mine for impelling me to represent the un- 
happy consequences which the present system must entail 
upon our beloved child. 

“Ts it possible, sir, that any one can have attempted to per- 
suade your royal highness that her character will not be in- 
jured by the perpetual violence offered to her strongest affec- 
tions, the studied care taken to estrange her from my society, 
and even to interrupt all communication between us? That 
her love for one with whom, by his majesty’s wise and gra- 
cious arrangements, she passed the years of her infancy and 
childhood, never can be extinguished, I well know, and the 
knowledge of it forms the greatest blessing of my existence. 
But let me implore your royal highness to reflect how inevi- 
tably all attempts to abate this attachment by forcibly sepa- 
rating us, if they succeed, must injure my child’s principles ; 
if they fail, must destroy her happiness. 

“The plan of excluding my daughter from all intercourse 
with the world, appears, to my humble judgment, peculiarly 
unfortunate. She who is destined to be the sovereign of this 
great country enjoys none of those advantages of society 
which are deemed necessary for imparting a knowledge of 
mankind to persons who have infinitely less occasion to learn 
that important lesson; and it may so happen, by a chance 
which I trust is very remote, that she should be called upon 
to exercise the powers of the crown with an experience of the 
world more confined than that of the most private individual. 
To the extraordinary talents with which she is blessed, and 
which accompany a disposition as singularly amiable, frank, 


Z8T. 35. ] AND THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE. 127 


and decided, I willingly trust much; but beyond a certain 
point the greatest natural endowments can not struggle 
against the disadvantages of circumstances and situation. 

“Tt is my earnest prayer, for her own sake as well as for 
her country’s, that your royal highness may be induced to 
pause before this point be reached. 

“Those who have advised you, sir, to delay so long the 
period of my daughter’s commencing her intercourse with the 
world, and for that purpose to make Windsor her residence, 
appear not to have regarded the interruptions to her educa- 
tion which this arrangement occasions, both by the impossi- 
bility of obtaining proper teachers, and the time unavoidably 
consumed in the frequent journeys to town which she must 
make, unless she has to be secluded from all intercourse, even 
with your royal highness and the rest of the royal family. 
To the same unfortunate counsel I ascribe a circumstance in 
every way so distressing, both to my parental and religious 
feelings, that my daughter has never yet enjoyed the benefit 
of confirmation, although above a year older than the age at 
* which all the other branches of the royal family have partaken 
of that solemnity. May I earnestly conjure you, sir, to hear 
my entreaties upon this serious matter, even if you should 
licten to other advisers on things of less near concernment to 
the welfare of our child. 

“The pain at which I have at length formed the resolution 
of addressing myself to your royal highness, is such as I should 
in vain attempt to express. If I could adequately describe it, 
you might be enabled, sir, to estimate the strength of the mo- 
tives which have made me submit to it; they are the most 
powerful feelings of affection, and the deepest impressions of 
duty towards your royal highness, my beloved child, and the 
country which I devoutly hope she may be preserved to govern, 
and to show, by a new example, the liberal affection of a true 
and generous people to a virtuous and constitutional monarch. 

“JT am, sir, with profound respect, and an attachment which 
nothing can alter, your royal highness’s most devoted and 
most affectionate consort, cousin, and subject, 


CAROLINE LovISsA. 
‘¢ Montague House, Jan, 14, 1813,”* 


* See Miss Knight’s Autobiography, i., 323. 


128 THE PRINCESS OF WALES [1813. 


As the proposed step of writing to Queen Charlotte was of 
great importance, I proposed going to Southhill and consider- 
ing the whole matter, especially the draft of the letter, with 
Whitbread, to whom she had spoken in general terms of her 
new grievance. It was agreed that she should not be troubled 
with a letter till my return from Southhill.*  Whitbread’s en- 
tire concurrence was the more essential, as I was not then in 
Parliament. At Southhill we fully discussed the whole sub- 
ject, and he entirely agreed that this was the proper course 
to take and the proper moment. We fully considered the let- 
ter, and we agreed that it would not be fit that Grey should 
be involved in the responsibility of the step proposed to be 
taken, both on account of the frequent personal differences 
as well as political which had occurred between him and the 
prince, and on account of his station as leader of the Whig 
party, the more especially as some of the leaders in both 
Houses were known to lean strongly against the princess; 
Sheridan of course, but also Tierney, perhaps Ponsonby, cer- 
tainly Holland House. It was, however, deemed proper that 
our proceedings should be fully disclosed to him; and if he - 
chose to interpose his advice, he might have the opportunity, 
from what had passed with him a short time before, of giv- 
ing us the full assurance of his general approval. It will pres- 
ently be scen that this was done. I returned from Soutbhill 
to London; but both Whitbread and I felt the absolute ne- 
cessity of warning the Princess of Wales how momentous the 
step was, and impressing upon her the absolute necessity not 
only of fully considering it in all its views, but of being quite 
certain that she had done nothing of any sort that could shun 
the light. 

Tn all his advice to and support of the princess, Whitbread 
acted, as he ever did, an honest, manly, and straightforward 
part. Considering her to be as ill used as possible, and with- 
out any just ground, he had deemed it his duty to stand by 
her, and he did so firmly and heartily. Not that he was on 
bad terms with the regular Whig party, for they had entirely 
retraced their steps towards him, which had led to much es- 





* The copy of this letter to Queen Charlotte has, unfortunately, not been 
found among Lord Brougham’s papers. 





ET. 3d. ] AND THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE. 129 


trangement in 1806, when he was left out of the arrangement 
on it being stated by Lord Grey that he could answer for his 
having no desire of office—on which Whitbread said that he 
might have been left to give the refusal himself. But in 1811, 
when, as was believed, they were quite certain to come in upon 
the establishment of the regency, and when doubtless they 
would have come in but for the part that Sheridan played 
when he ascertained that he was not to be in the Cabinet, it 

ywas all settled that Whitbread was to have been Secretary of 
State for the Home Department, and he had selected his staff. 
Indeed, in 1809, when Grey and Grenville were applied to, 
and refused to come in on a half arrangement along with Per- 
ceval and a few others, the most unreserved communication 
was had with Whitbread, and they entirely satisfied him as 
to the grounds of their refusal. The error of 1806 had been 
studiously avoided, and nothing could be more cordial than 
his acting with the party for the next two or three years. 
The objections to him on the part of some of the Grenvilles 
were, at least for the present, got over; and he took the 
princess’s part by no means as separating himself from the 
party, though he was quite aware with myself of the umbrage 
which we should give, not only to the prince’s people, but also 
to some timid spirits who were always averse to breaking 
squares with Carlton House. For their scruples he cared as 
little as for the obloquy to which we should be exposed in 
that high quarter. 


On my return to London I took the letter to the princess, 
and she desired to consider it, and confer with the Princess 
Charlotte upon the step about to be taken. But I begged 
leave to set before her at once all its consequences, and to see 
her alone before she saw her daughter. After she had read 
the letter she appointed me to see her next day at Kensing- 
ton Palace. I then told her that she must make up her mind 
for what would inevitably happen if the letter was sent to the 
prince. It would reopen all the former grounds of complaint. 
She said that after the failure in 1806, when the prince’s 
friends were in office, she could have no apprehension of their 
being now repeated. I said that very probably the same at- 
tempts would not be made, but that others might; and I be- 

Eee 


130 THE PRINCESS OF WALES [1812. 


sought her to take into her serious consideration what I was 
about to say, and not to answer me, or come to any decision, 
for two days. I told her that she must review her whole past 
life, and if there was any thing in it which would not bear the 
light—not only any thing criminal, but any act of imprudence 
or indiscretion, examples of which I took the liberty of sug- 
gesting—instances of things which, though not in themselves 
culpable, might be made the grounds of suspecting something 
wrong, or might be only much blamed—then the letter must 
not be sent to the prince; that whatever she most appre- 
hended, whatever she felt the most unpleasant, to be brought 
forward, or even whatever she felt most doubtful about, she 
must lay her account with it being brought against her; that 
she must on no account rely upon there not being evidence 
against her, or that whatever had been done or said was with- 
out any witness being present, for that even if it had passed 
at the centre of the earth, she must calculate upon its being 
proved ; and that, further, she would be charged with having 
been the cause of the proof, or of the accusation, by having 
voluntarily called for the inquiry ; that now she was the ag- 
gressor—before, she had been the party attacked; that now 
she attacked the prince—at least this would be said even by 
her supporters, while her enemies and the Carlton House set 
could desire no better than the excuse she gave them—nay, 
the necessity she forced upon them—of proceeding against 
her. She at once said she approved of my desiring her not 
to answer my question now; and that T should hear from her, 
as there could be no occasion further to argue the subject 
now fully laid before her. It was for her to determine one 
way or the other: as I had put the matter, her determination 
alone must decide. I entirely agreed, and I wrote to Whit- 
pread that it was impossible to say what would be her decis- 
ion; that the way in which she had received my warning left 
some uneasiness as to the result; but that upon the whole I 
believed she would go forward. Whitbread was of a con-— 
trary opinion. From Canning’s particular position it was 
clear he could not be consulted, and it was only fair to him | 
that he should know nothing whatever of what was in con- | 
templation. 

I received two days after a letter from Lady Charlotte 


i 
4 


ZiT, 35. ] AND THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE. 131 


Lindsay, by the princess’s command, simply saying that the 
letter must go to the prince. 

Lord King, in the proceedings on the Dill against her in 
1820, I recollect, said to me, how wrong the people were who 
charged me with being a rash counsellor, or even a too bold 
and confident one, for he rather thought I might be accused 
of being over-cautious, and beyond necessity circumspect. 
But I was at that time acting professionally, and allI did was 
according to the duty which we as counsel were conversant 
with, and not he. In 1813, however, both Whitbread and I 
acted as her advisers merely, and in no respect professionally ; 
but I conceive that King’s observation was quite as applicable 
then as in 1820. Romilly, too, states in his diary that the 
proceedings of 1813 and 1814, under my guidance, had been 
attended with perfect success (which his experience of the 
delicate investigation in 1806 gave him a full right to judge 
of,as well as of my difficulties), and he ascribed that success 
to the extreme caution and circumspection used throughout. 
When a person is acting for or advising another, he has no 
right whatever to show vicarious courage, to recommend the 
running any risk not necessary to avoid greater risks, or to 
counsel any boldness which is not more safe (as occasionally 
happens) than more prudent courses. 

But though every precaution was taken to avoid risk or 
prevent precipitate courses, and the most anxious inquiry, as 
far as it was possible, made into any risk to be incurred by 
the princess in adopting the measure which I had proposed 
and Whitbread adopted, it must be added that all anxiety and 
alarm, as far as we felt any, was on her account, and not in the 
least on account of ourselves. I had from the first regarded 
the step in contemplation as one of extreme hazard to its ad- 
visers ; and not being in Parliament to defend myself from 
the attacks which were quite inevitable, I should have paused 
before finally deciding. Had not Whitbread become a party, 
I should have looked to Folkestone,* in all likelihood, or to 
Brand,t for support; at least so far as to state my case, or 
give any required explanation. The danger which I en- 
countered personally or professionally, of course, I entirely 
{RNAI ae Shes WL aCe OB ey 

* Afterwards Lord Radnor. + Afterwards Lord Dacre. 


132 THE PRINCESS OF WALES [1812. 


disregarded. But I knew the virulent nature of the prince’s 
party both in and out of Parliament, and I was running into 
the most entire and irreconcilable hostility to every thing that 
belonged to Carlton House, with hardly any prospect of sup- 
port from the regular Whig party, many of the leaders of 
which were little disposed to have the breach with the prince 
widened, even after the year of the reconstructed regency had 
expired. But I really felt, as did Whitbread, that the con- 
duct of the prince had been such from the beginning towards 
his wife, and his latter treatment of both mother and daugh- 
ter so outrageous, as made it a duty to take their part; while 
his conduct towards the Whig party made this proceeding on 
our part quite justifiable, and not at all inconsistent. with our 
party connection, On my return from Southhill I had to 
attend the special commission at York for the trial of the 
Luddite outrages, being retained for most of the prisoners. 
I wrote to Grey previous to my departure as follows: 


TO EARL GREY. 
‘¢ Temple, November 25, 1812. 

“Drar Lorp Grey,—I have reserved the affairs of the 
princess and Princess Charlotte for this letter—to keep the 
subject unmixed—as it is to treat of very delicate matters. 

“The princess addressed a long and very firm remonstrance 
to the queen last Saturday (which I had revised and altered 
materially) relative to the Princess Charlotte and their being 
kept separate, and the plan pursued for interrupting her edu- 
cation, and keeping her in close confinement. 

“The queen’s answer is full of lies and evasions, and the 
princess’s letter is now with the prince. 

“ On Perceval’s death, a box of the princess’s papers, kept 
by him to prevent the prince from seizing them, got into 
some foreign lady’s hands, who is a partisan of the princess ; 
at least so I gather from what has happened: for this person 
last week called at my chambers in the dusk, and left them 
sealed up with an anonymous letter, strongly persuading their 
immediate publication. I have read them, and returned them 
with an answer, expressing my indignation at such an attempt 
being made to involve me in any mysterious transaction—es- 
pecially in one where some breach of trust appears to form a 


x! 35. AND THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE. 135 


link of the communication. But I advised that they should 
be immediately sent to the princess, and proper steps taken in 
the matter with her authority. 

“T half suspect she is at the bottom of the whole, but this 
I can’t be sure of. At all events, my answer would have been 
the same, of course. 

“Now for the papers. They are a series of letters from 
her to the prince, and many long ones from him to her, rela- 
ting to Lady Jersey and the other old disputes; then curious 
ones from the king to her, some of them bearing hard on the 
prince, also from Thurlow, etc. ; with two Cabinet minutes of 
April 21,1807, by all the ministers except Perceval, fully ac- 
quitting her, and desiring her to be received publicly at court. 

“The advice I am disposed to give is this: that an able 
narrative be drawn up, with a proper selection from the pa- 
pers, and suppression of private names, if this is deemed ad- 
visable. The princess will do whatever is thought best. 

“T must tell you that the Princess Charlotte is extremely 
solicitous that her mother should be openly vindicated, and 
the princess’s wish for this proceeds almost as much from the 
desire of gratifying her as of punishing her husband. The 
young one is quite furious at their treatment of her. I mean 
queen, princesses, dukes, and her father as much as any. She 
says she complained of her letters being opened at the post- 
office by his orders, which he denied circumstantially; and 
that she pressed him until she was obliged to stop, to avoid 
the unpleasant necessity of convicting him of a plain lie. 
This is her own story. As for the confinement at Windsor, 
she entertained a plan of escaping as soon as she was of age 
(for she conceives she is so next birthday—very falsely in 
point of law). She also desired my advice on this and other 
matters, and I am to write a representation as strongly as 
possible against it. 

“That she is disposed towards popular principles I know 
from undoubted authority. The interest she took in Romil- 
ly’s election and mine she was at no pains to conceal from 
any body; and after it was over she went to Fremantle to 
know if we were to be out of Parliament; to which I may 
add a trifle which I learnt by chance in a shop—viz., that 
t’other day she sent for a modeller, and had a cast of me done; 


134 THE PRINCESS OF WALES (1818. 


with a number of observations showing she feels a peculiarly 
strong interest in gur side of the question. 
“You have seen so much ill in one heir-apparent that I 
think I see you scouting all idea of a popular queen. 
; ‘“‘ Believe me ever yours, AD 


On my arrival at York I wrote again to Lord Grey: 


TO EARL GREY. 


“York, January 3, 1813. 

“My prar Lorp Grey,—I send you in this and another 
cover 2 most curious account of our beloved prince’s behav- 
ior to his daughter. He is jealous of her to a degree of in- 
sanity, and has been for some time. I believe the Duke of 
Cumberland and Yarmouth have actually been feeding him 
with hopes of getting rid of her by divorcing his wife, and 
this he is fool enough to believe. It seems too absurd, but 
you may rely on it some such thing has been broached. The 
young princess is quite aware how much she is in the same 
boat with her mother, and feels such topics accordingly. The 
letter to the queen was rather a tickler, but quite unexception- 
able in point of discretion, relating solely to the seeing her 
daughter. I wrote a considerable part of it, and revised the 
whole, and made it safe and sure. It is to this he alludes 
when he asks who wrote it; also, to the Duke of Kent, he 
blessed his stars that it was not written to him, as he was thus 
relieved from having to answer it, not knowing what to say. 

“You may recollect my being of opinion last August that 
a formal remonstrance professedly as such, though written 
nominally by the princess, should be delivered to him if he 
continued his proceedings towards the mother and daughter, 
and you were of this opinion also. 

“ Various things lately have made this still more advisable. 
I accordingly drew it up with much care, and she is to copy 
it and send it immediately after the 7th, her daughter’s birth- 
day, or about the 8th, according to circumstances. 

“Tf you have the least desire to see it, T have a copy, and 
shall inclose it; but it is rather long, for it recapitulates all 
her grievances in relation to her daughter, and also those of 
her daughter. 


AT. 39. ] AND THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE. 135 


“Such was the avidity, after the abuse of him in Hunt’s 
trial t’other day, that besides about 10,000, of the ‘Examiner’ 
containing it (which were not to be had at any price an hour 
after it was published), a cheap edition of the trial was in- 
stantly printed, unknown to Hunt, and placarded on the walls 
before he could even announce that a correct one was com- 
ing out. 

“The repeal of the Orders in Council is working its way 
in America, and you may rely on peace coming about there, 
either in spite of Madisom and his party or by their being 
turned out. Yours ever, H. Brovenam.” 


Lord Grey in his answer took no notice of this offer, and 
of course the MS. notes were not sent. All therefore remain- 
ed in the hands of Whitbread and myself. 

The letter having gone to the prince, while we were wait- 
ing for the answer or other result I wrote to Lord Grey as 
follows, respecting the two princesses and my relations with 
them: ~ 

TO EARL GREY. 
‘* Temple, Wednesday, February 8, 1813. 

“My prar Lorp Grey,—I only learnt yesterday of your 
stay in the north being protracted so long; otherwise I should 
have written before, though but to say I had no news worth 
communicating, except respecting the princess and her daugh- 
ter—and on that topic I have so much to say that I must 
wait till we meet. 

“T shall only mention that, after long delay and many re- 
fusals, and sending back the letter and the remonstrance un- 
opened, the prince has been forced to receive and read it. 
Lords Liverpool and Eldon gave way, not daring to take upon 
them the refusal. He pockets it all, however, and we are 
waiting to see what he will do. Of course all my efforts are 
(in that matter) directed to keep the mother and daughter 
quiet; and hitherto, but with difficulty, I have succeeded. I 
fear, if I continue (as I really must, from my own opinion) to 
preach nothing but delay and discretion, I shall lose all credit 
with them, and must give way to more agreeable and rash 
j advisers. At present they are quite tractable. 

“ Yours ever, H. Brovanam.” 


136 THE PRINCESS OF WALES [1818. 


TO EARL GREY. 

ies Temple, February, 1813. 
“My pear Lorp Grey,—l rejoice to hear you are to be 
in town, as it was doubted some time ago. It never is good 
for you any more than for the country to stay beyond the 
proper season in the country. As to the young princess, I 
have written (being asked my opinion) a full and strong ex- 
hortation to perfect quiet and submission, and explained how 

completely the law and right are on her father’s side. 
“Yours ever, WB 


To these letters I received the following answer: 


FROM LORD GREY. 
‘¢ Wowick, February 7, 1813. 

“My pear Brovenam,—I concluded, from the article in 
the ‘Morning Chronicle’ in answer to the ‘ Courier ’—some 
of which I thought very good—that the war was pretty hot 
between Carlton House and Kensington. There can be no 
doubt, not only of the prudence but of the necessity of the 
utmost forbearance and moderation on the part of both the 
princesses, and I rejoice that you have constantly pressed this 
consideration upon them. If the impatience and irritation, 
which I confess is not unnatural under their circumstances, 
should hereafter induce them to listen to less cautious and, 
perhaps, less honest advisers, I am sure you will have no cause 
to regret the loss of your influence. It is better that you 
should lose it than be supposed to be the adviser of measures 
which considerate and impartial men may be obliged to con- 
demn. But I am sure you will not lose it—at least not per- 
manently; the inevitable failure of any intemperate conduct 
would quickly bring them back to your counsels. At all 
events, it is necessary, especially in a matter of so much im- 
portance and delicacy, that you should act entirely according 
to your own opinions. 

“J have delayed longer than I intended, and am still delay- 
ing my journey, in hopes of being able to finish some things 
that I am very anxious to see done before I leave this place. 
My servants, however, are gone, and I have every thing pre- | 





ZET. 35. ] AND THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE. 137 


pared for setting out this week ; but perhaps I shall linger on 
till some time in the next, so that I shall be able to hear from 
you again before I go if you have any thing material to write. 
In truth, I feel that it is of little consequence whether I am 
absent or present, under the conviction that I can do no good, 
particularly in our house of ineffectives. All the advantages 
of unexpected success in Russia, I foresee, will be lost; and I 
wish we may not pay dearly this year for the unhoped-for 
fortunes of the last. Ever yours, Grey.” 


TO LADY CHARLOTTE LINDSAY. 
‘* Temple, June 29, 1813. 
“Dear Lapy Cuarrotre,—I shall obey her royal high- 
ness’s commands on Saturday. Pray learn, if you can, wheth- 
er Lord Archy goes, or Ward ;. as my carriage is being paint- 
ed, and I have a horror of four miles in a hackney-coach. 
“Talking of horrors reminds me of the lioness, von Staél. 
I think TI shall be obliged to say that, being a person who 
fears God and honors the king, I am afraid to come near her, 
To say the truth, if any thing could keep me more out of so- 
ciety than I am at this season, it would be her prowling about. 
I was asked t’other day to go where she was, and had thoughts 
of returning the same answer with the man in Ausop’s Fables, 
that ‘he could not come, there being a lion in the way,’ 
“Ever yours truly, HEB. 
“Lady Perceval’s application failed to-day, as I told you it 
would.” 


TO EARL GREY. 


**York, August 2, 1813. 

“My pear Lorp Grey,—As for the Duke of Bedford, it 
would take a monstrous deal of proof to make me believe any 
thing against him; and what you say I dare say is correct— 
that in the end his popularity won’t be much affected by the 
business. 

“As I always foresaw, the little flirting between the prince 
and the Princess Charlotte is all over. She is as loud and 
as impatient as ever, and her mother (who has seen her), 
though a little time ago rather uneasy, is again perfectly sat- 
isfied. In fact, she is confined and crossed nearly as much as 


138 THE PRINCESS OF WALES [1813. 


ever. The prince and the queen are also tired of the Duch- 
ess of Leeds, who has had the proper spirit to refuse forbid- 
ding Lady Jersey seeing the Princess Charlotte, as from her- 
self, which was what the prince was shabby enough, and suf- 
ficiently himself, to beg her to do. 

“[ was at Taylor’s on my way here. They were hurried 
off on Saturday by Sir Henry Vane’s illness, and it is under- 
stood that he died yesterday of apoplexy. My respects to 
Lady Grey, and believe me ever yours, 

“TH. BroucHam.” 


The following is an extract from a letter I wrote to Lord 
Grey on the 27th November, 1813: 

«“ Another rumor is afloat that something is to be attempted 
against the Princess of Wales. Certain it is that they have 
begun through the press, and by the most gross publications. 
Perhaps the prince thinks, in the present state of men’s 
minds, nobody will reflect on the infamy of filing ex officio 
informations when himself or his brother is attacked, and 
leaving whatever is published against his wife unnoticed. 
The rumor that something is intended against her comes 
from some of the understrappers of our party ; but they were 
so mysterious and consequential about it, that my informant 
could not take the trouble of continuing the conversation. 
If she is to be so attacked, she will be forced to bring for- 
ward her case at last, which, as against the prince, she has 
hitherto (with great difficulty) been persuaded to keep to 
herself.” 


TO EARL GREY. 
‘Temple, December 21, 1813. 


“My pear Lorp Grey,—The young princess dined last | 


Wednesday with her mother. She is on perfectly good 
terms at present with her father. The quarrels of late had 


been very frequent, and a few weeks ago were even worse 
than they had been while she was at Windsor. But this is | 


the hot fit, and he is coaxing her; it always succeeds to a 
certain degree, and his refusing an establishment and some 
other indulgence generally brings the cold fit. The Princess 


a 


2T. 36. ] AND THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE. 139 


Charlotte has completely altered her language as to the 
Prince of Orange, and I am quite clear she will take him if 
they offer him to her. The Dutch business has done this ; 
and now that it is all over, I may inform you of a great 
alarm I had from finding, by the clearest proofs, that she 
really had a great penchant for the Duke of Devonshire.* 
This you may rely on; and it is equally certain that now she 
would be furious at the insinuation, as is exceedingly natural 
in such cases, the idea having quite passed away. I always 
thought that the best (I mean the most useful) part of her 
character was the spice of the mother’s spirit and temper ; 
but I fear she has a considerable mixture of the father’s 
weakness and fickleness. Indeed, what can you expect? 
Her behavior to Lady de Clifford has been such as I almost 
defy her father to surpass, accomplished as he is in such 
walks. You will be less surprised to hear of her being quite 
violent against peace and Bonaparte, and for war till the 
Bourbons are restored. Luckily all this will not depend on 
her or her father either. She is to dine again on the 7th 
with her mother. 

“ The debates of late, at least in the Commons, seem queer 
kind of things. I have no confidence whatever in ministers 
and their professions of peace, and regret that Whitbread 
should say so much on this score; for though I hope it is 
only reculer pour mieux sauter, and taking a stronger ground 
for after-operations against them, such admissions are always 
dangerous, and scarcely ever do good. Mackintosh’s speech 
seems (like all he says and writes) to have been dreadfully 
deficient in closeness, with no object, no argument—a sort of 
preaching or lecturing of a very unbusiness-like and ineffi- 
cient nature. I should suppose Romilly’s to have been far 
better. But it is very painful to me to see nobody there on 
your behalf, and I really wish Tierney had in the course of 
the session said something, as people look to him for your 
sentiments. A great number of things would have been 


* William, sixth duke, born in 1790. For the Court gossip in this matter, 
see Miss Knight’s ‘‘Autobiography,” vol. i, p. 242, 

+ Debate, on 20th December, 1813, on the adjournment of Parliament 
during the critical negotiations of the Allied Powers with Napoleon on the 
Ithine. 





140 THE PRINCESS OF WALES [1818. 


most necessary, in order to correct misrepresentations very 
prevalent, especially as to Spain and the success of the war. 
I have more than once been tempted by hearing of these to 
try something, but I am too much jaded to write a pamphlet, 
even if I could get over the injury such a step would do me; 
and as for public meetings, besides the same reason, I might 
do more harm than good; so that I feel resigned to wait till 
you can come to the meeting of Parliament in March your- 
self. Lord Holland seems to have spoken excellently well. 
“T hope to hear of your lassitude having gone off, and that 
they allow you a little wine. 
“Believe me most sincerely yours, H. BrovucHam.” 


Every art was used to prevent the foreign sovereigns from 
even recognizing the existence of the Princess of Wales; 
though with some, as the King of Prussia, she was nearly 
connected by marriage, and with others by blood. There 
were frequent proofs that they bore no particular respect to- 
wards the regent, and on one occasion the emperor could 
not avoid remarking to those about him that the prince was 
tipsy. This habit had grown upon him of late, and was often 
referred to by the Princess Charlotte—her phrase in her let- 
ters being that “too much oil was put into the lamp.” It 
happened that about this time great dissensions prevailed 
between her and her father, continued from the last year’s 
affair, but increased by his making appointments in her 
household without consulting her, either as to those whom 
she found objectionable, or those she greatly preferred. This 
was one of the subjects on which she had been consulting me. 
That she had no desire to widen the breach with him was 
manifest. She was also very anxious that nothing should be 
done by her mother which might have that effect. Thus she 
had heard of a letter which the princess intended to write, 
and she was afraid it might have this tendency. The letter 
was a very respectful and even kind one, entreating as a 
favor to be allowed to see her daughter more frequently. 
The Princess Charlotte wrote expressing her apprehension to 
Lady Charlotte Lindsay and myself, on which I addressed 
the following letter to the Princess of Wales, with the inten- 
tion that it should be communicated to her daughter : 


AT. 36. ] AND THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE, 141 


“Mr. Brougham begs leave humbly to represent to your 
royal highness that it does not appear to him in the least de- 
gree probable that any new difficulties will be thrown in the 
way of your royal highness’s intercourse with her royal high- 
ness the Princess Charlotte in consequence of the letter which 
it is intended to address to the prince regent; on the contrary, 
that step appears to him most likely to prevent any such new 
attempts against the comfort and interests of your royal high- 
ness and the Princess Charlotte. 

“ Mr. Brougham takes the liberty further of stating it as 
his opinion, which he does with great anxiety and earnestness, 
that every proceeding ought to be avoided which would give 
to the enemies of your royal highness and the Princess Char- 
lotte a pretext for blame; and that, however painful it may 
be for a little time, it is of the most essential consequence, 
both to the Princess Charlotte and to the country, that her 
royal highness should carefully avoid every thing which might 
be construed by the prince regent’s advisers into disregard of 
_ his authority. Your royal highness is aware that by law the 
care of the Princess Charlotte, and the management of her 
royal highness’s education, is intrusted to the prince regent, 
and that there is no particular age at which the Princess Char- 
lotte becomes freed from this authority, except that age of 
twenty-one, when, in common with every person, her royal 
highness becomes her own entire mistress. But although, 
strictly speaking, the prince regent has this control over the 
Princess Charlotte until she attains that age, yet it is a point 
which he will be obliged to exercise with a due regard to the 
wisdom of Parliament and the sense of the country. Provided 
the Princess Charlotte only continues acting the same amiable 
| and wise part which has hitherto go eminently distinguished 
her royal highness, there can be no doubt that in a very short 
time Parliament and the country will render it impossible any 
longer to persevere in the present most hurtful plan of seclud- 
ing her royal highness from the intercourse and state required 
by her exalted station. N othing could possibly prevent Par- 
liament and the country from taking part with her royal high- 
ness, except some ill-advised proceeding which might have the 
appearance of disregarding the prince regent’s authority ; and 
Mr. Brougham is confident her royal highness has too excel- 


142 THE PRINCESS OF WALES [1818. 


lent an understanding and too much fortitude to adopt any 
such plan, and too tender a regard for your royal highness, 
whose situation would inevitably be injured by it. Her royal 
highness will naturally regard the privations and hardships 
she now suffers as trials to which she is exposed, as her illus- 
trious predecessor, Queen Elizabeth, formerly was, and will 
have the greatness of mind to disregard them, however. pain- 
ful at present, in the prospect of excelling even that renowned 
princess, by reigning where she never did—in the hearts of a 
free people. Her royal highness may rest assured that her 
friends are active and zealous in every thing relating to her in- 
terests. They consider her royal highness’s interests to be, 
in fact, the same with those of your royal highness ; because 
it is quite impossible not to sce that the attempts against 
your royal highness must greatly injure—nay, very probably 
prove ruinous to—your royal highness’s daughter.”* 

But the matter of greatest interest was her father’s desire 
to have her married ; and she conceived that it was coupled 
with a plan of her living abroad, for the Prince of Orange 
was soon proposed to her. He was one of the foreign princes 
who was now in London, but he had served in the Spanish 
campaigns, and was for some time on the duke’s staff. She 
gaye him no encouragement beyond civil, and perhaps com- 
plimentary, expressions, and could not, without offense, refuse 
some trifling presents which he offered—without, indeed, what 
would have been tantamount to a refusal of his hand. Her 
father was bent upon the match, and this formed the subject 
of much correspondence with me through her mother, when I 
plainly told her that she was at perfect liberty to accept ot 
refuse him, without more regard to her father’s wishes than 
merely giving the matter a favorable consideration in deference 
to his opinion. She was anxious to know every thing as to: 
her leaving the country in case she consented to the marriage, | 
and the steps which Parliament might take to regulate that, 
and any other particular, if the marriage took place. I gave 
her all the information she required, and detailed the instances, 
at different times, from Philip and Mary downward. George 


Re ee eae 


* This referred to the possibility of divorce, and the not improbable re- 
marriage of the prince. 


AT. 36. ] AND THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE. 143 


Lamb had published a very excellent pamphlet on the position 
and rights of the queen-consort; and I had drawn up an 
elaborate article upon it for the “ Edinburgh Review,” entering 
a good deal into the subject of the daughter as well as the 
mother; and I communicated the substance of the paper to 
the former.* She had the utmost aversion to the proposed 
match; and indeed the Prince of Orange had, on more than 
one occasion, made himself exceedingly disagreeable to her, as 
by want of ordinary attention in going about to court balls 
and other assemblies where she could not appear, not having 
been formally presented at court, or was prevented from go- 
ing by some other cause. The pressure upon ker was un- 
ceasing; and on her continued refusal, she was told that she 
had committed herself; and one of the regent’s law officers, 
William Adam (Chancellor of the Duchy of Cornwall), gave 
it as his opinion that, after receiving presents, and making 
what they represented as a promise, she could be compelled 
to marry the Prince of Orange.} She then showed great pres- 
ence of mind, and, I may say, great address. She said that 
of course she was entirely ignorant of the law ; but as it had 
been so laid down by her father’s lawyers, she would believe 
it, provided that, to prevent all doubt or mistake, it was given 
her in writing, in order that she might show the opinion to 
me, with whom she had been advising upon the subject. Of 
course this was declined, and she heard no more of the Court 
of Chancery either ordering her to marry, or decreeing a 
specific performance of a contract. But the attempts to over- 
come her reluctance continued, and new threats were used, 
and new vexations practised, especially with respect to her 
household, as a punishment for her refusal. Her mother was 
as much averse to the match as she was herself ; but certainly 
she did not lead her in the dislike of it; she only joined, and 
did nothing to overcome her repugnance. I believe, indeed, 
that there was some family difference arising out of the share 
her father (the Duke of Brunswick) formerly had in the ex- 


ee es ole) yu et oe See 


* Review of a pamphlet entitled ‘*Some Inquiry into the Constitutional 
Character of the Queen-Consort of England.”—Edinburgh Review Jor Sep- 
‘ember, 1814, p. 44. 

t See Miss Knight’s “Autobiography,” yol. i., p. 264 et seq. 


144 THE PRINCESS OF WALES [1813, 


pedition which supported the stadtholder’s family against the 
States in 1788. 

During the three or four weeks that this dispute lasted, she 
only wavered in her resolution from the anxiety to be freed 
from the thralldom in which she was kept; but any time that 
she listened with favor to the proposal, the apprehension of a 
foreign residence put an end to all chance of her yielding; be- 
cause on one thing she was resolved, and peremptorily—the 
establishment in this country as her general residence, and any 
visit to Holland being only occasional and temporary. Upon 
the whole subject of her rights, and the prince’s power by 
law, I had fully informed her, and on one occasion had written 
a very strong letter to dissuade her from a project she had 
for a moment conceived, of requiring formally to be consid- 
ered as of age, which she imagined to be at eighteen. On all 
that regarded the match I had constant correspondence with 
her through Lady Charlotte Lindsay chiefly, but sometimes 
through others of her mother’s household. 

The following letter relates to this proposed match: 


‘FROM LADY CHARLOTTE LINDSAY. 
‘* Whitehall, Tuesday. 

# Dawe Mr. Brovenam,—I am just returned from a visit 
to Princess Charlotte, to whom I have communicated your 
letter, which she read with attention. She told me that she 
had constantly per sisted (in her correspondence with the 
Prince of Orange) in her declaration of never leaving England 
unless under a positive engagement of returning to it in thr ee 
months, and having her house and establishment here. He) 
has objected, and said that he would not be tied down to | 
weeks and days; and in his last letter insinuated something | 
of her being forced to comply, which has exceedingly of: 
fended her, and she is now more firmly resolved than even 
she Speed to be before, to break off the marriage, if her} 
leaving England is insisted upon. Her present intention is to, 
write to her father (who has never spoken to her about her’ 
marriage since the first arrangement of it), and to tell him,1 in 
as respectful and good-humored words as she can, her resolu- 
tion of not leaving England. She is certainly in good ear- 
nest; but what can she Go.if she is not supported? She a 


ZT, 36. ] AND THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE. 145 


me that she believes the Prince of Orange is a very good 
young man, but much under the cortrol of his family, and 
that his letters have been very different since they have all 
been about him. I am convinced that the Princess Charlotte 
is much under the influence of Miss Mercer, who, I think, 
keeps her very right and steady in her politics, and in many 
things, but I fear that she does not encourage her to give the 
support to her mother that she might do in a firm but quiet 
way, and that I think her duty—and indeed her interest—re- 
quires that she should do. Princess Charlotte told me that 
the Duchess of Oldenburgh had apologized to her for not hav- 
ing been to visit the Princess of Wales, which she said she 
had fully intended to do, but that Count Lieven had entreated 
her not to do so, as he said the prince regent had positively 
commanded the foreign ministers not to go there. I think 
that she need not have minded him. What a strange thing 
it is that a man whom nobody respects should so completely 
govern every body! This duchess does not, however, like 
him at all, as Princess Charlotte tells me. I have not been 
able to get any insight into the ‘mysterious paragraph; I 
think it may announce a work of Lady Douglas’s. I had 
rather of the two that it came from our enemies than from 
our friends, for they are all more known to be so foolish, and 
so knavish, that it is more likely for the latter to do us harm 
than for the former. 

“J flatter myself that the princess is so well aware that 
Lady Perceval can never do her any good, that she will really 
have no more to do with her. My pen is so horrible that I 
can write no more. : 

“Adieu. I hope to see you as soon as you return to 
London. Yours ever truly, 

‘Ge las 

“Think of having written three pages without a congratu- 
lation upon peace! what a joyful event it is!” 


_ The following correspondence still relates to this sub 
ject: 


Vou. Il.—G 


146 THE PRINCESS OF WALES [1814. 


MISS MERCER ELPHINSTONE* TO LADY CHARLOTTE LINDSAY. 
“ TIarley Street. 

“My pear Lapy Cuariotrse,—I am just returned from 
Cranbourne Lodge, and I can not resist the impulse that in- 
duces me to trouble you with these few lines to tell you of 
the wretched state of health and spirits in which I left poor 
Princess Charlotte. Indeed, I could not let you leave the 
country without having informed you of the real state of the 
case. I have long been of opinion that much of the Princess 
Charlotte’s illness depended upon the state of her mind; and 
I am now more convinced of it than ever, from the dreadful 
effect her mother’s letter announcing her departure from En- 
gland had upon her. I really never can forget the distress 
and agitation she was in at the first moment; and even when 
I left her, two days after, her pulse continued at 98. Mr. 
Kente came to her yesterday morning, and Doctor Bailey and 
Mr. Cline were written to immediately by the ladies-in-wait- 
ing. Her royal highness complained of severe pains in her 
knee, and it was certainly more swelled. I assure you I feel 
seriously uneasy about it, and am convinced that nothing but 
good air and tranquillity of mind can afford her the smallest 
chance of regaining her health. Of the last of these remedies 
I fear she can have but little hope, and this last blow of the 
Princess’s departure I think she has felt more severely than 
all the rest. I never saw her so deeply affected and apparent- 
ly mortified in my life; and the idea that it is not her royal 
highness’s intention to return to this country, seems to prey 
continually upon her mind. If you can give me a word of 
comfort upon the subject, pray do,dear Lady Charlotte, and 
let me entreat you to use every exertion of your influence for 
Princess Charlotte’s sake, to induce the princess not to make 
a long absence, which would be so ruinous, both to the interest 
of mother and daughter, in this country. 

“JT am quite ashamed of myself for having tormented you 


* Margaret Mercer Elphinstone became Baroness Keith on the death of her 
father, Lord Keith, in 1823, and succeeded to the Scotch Barony of Nairne on 
the death of William Lord Nairne in 1838. She married in 1817 Auguste- 
Charles-Joseph, Comte de Flahaut, by whom she had several daughters. Died 
November, 1865. 


2T. 36.] AND THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE. 147 


with this epistle, but really Iam so unhappy about Princess 
Charlotte’s situation altogether that I could not help it. God 
bless you, dear Lady Charlotte. With my best wishes, believe 
me very lovingly yours, 
“M. Mercer Evpurstonn. 
“Tf you mention this letter to the Princess, pray take care 
that my name is not committed further, for at this moment it 
is impossible to be too careful. Excuse this hasty scrawl.” 


TO LADY CHARLOTTE LINDSAY. 
‘* Temple, Friday. 

“Dear Lavy Cuarnorrn,—As I am obliged to set out 
for Hothfield early to-morrow morning, I shall not see you 
for some days; and I wish to let you know what observations 
I have made since I came to town, upon the result of the dif- 
ferent communications which I have had with Parliamentary 
folks respecting the Dutch Expedition. 

“T find that the general impression will be in favor of 
some Parliamentary discussion. Lord Grey, in particular, is 
most zealous (as I expected), and only fears that some bad 
effect may arise to her royal highness from the matter being 
broached in Parliament. He is examining the subject on its 
own merits, and I have been furnishing him with all my notes 
relating to it, the law, precedents, etc., etc. 

“As far as former instances go, they are rather against us, 
for no restrictions were ever imposed in those cases, but they 
were very unlike the present; and the principle of the thing 
is clearly with us. I mean to have a long talk with Erskine 
as soon as I come back, and Lord Thanet (to whom I am go- 
ing) is sure to be both right ang warm. He has deservedly 
great weight, from his admirable sense and high honor, 

“The only two quarters in which there is any coldness or 
disinclination are the Grenvilles and Holland House. This is 
partly owing to their éwist respecting the Princess of Wales, 
in which they are quite incurable, and which somehow extends 
itself to all such questions, and partly, I fear, to apprehensions 
of offending the prince. Perhaps, from what Tierney and 
Lord Grenville both say, it may be supposed that they think 
the Prince of Orange would take offense ; and they probably 
look forward to his having more weight than I hope and trust 


148 THE PRINCESS OF WALES [1814 


he or any other prince ever will have. One of my reasons 
for this conjecture is, that I find it is the fashion in those 
quarters (Grenville’s and Holland House) to speak of Lord 
Wellington as the future Government of this country through 
the Prince of Orange. But as to the present subject, if the 
rest of our friends keep steady, those two-juntas will follow 
the current. I forgot to mention that Plunkett takes the 
thing up strongly. 

“T am still decidedly of opinion that the matter is kept in 
the best and safest train, by political characters taking it as a 
political question, and her royal highness making her own 
stand privately without any communication with them. This 
avoids all chance of committing her, and makes even the most 
complete failure of the attempt in Parliament of no manner 
of injury to her. 

‘Since I came to town, I have heard twice from my friend 
the Dutch Premier. They are in perfect quiet and without 
the least alarm now, and I think we may really expect a safe 
end of all our troubles. 

“‘ Believe me ever yours truly, H. Brovenam.” 


TO LADY CHARLOTTE’ LINDSAY. 
** Hothfield. 

“Dear Lapy Cuartorre,—tThe inclosed contains the ex- 
act state of the case, and is what I had to tell you if we had 
met. I put it separately, that if you find it more convenient 
to let Princess Charlotte read it than to tell it, you may do so. 

“ When I return I shall see you speedily. 

“T am still a little uneasy about the advertisement, and if 
I thought it came from Carlton House, I should almost be for 
your making Princess Charlotte write to implore her mother 
to be quiet. Of all moments for taking the field, this does 
seem the most frantic.* 

“The sooner you see the Princess Charlotte the better. I 
fear her bestirring herself, which would do mischief in every 


* This, and the ‘‘mysterious paragraph” (p. 145), may probably refer to 
newspaper passages occasioned by the letter of the princess (p. 123) having 
come into the hands of the editor of the ‘‘ Morning Chronicle.” See Miss 
Knight’s ‘‘Autobiography,” vol. i., p. 216 et seg. 


AT, 56. ] AND THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE. 149 


way. Nothing she can do will diminish the foolish and vile 

fear of the prince which some folks have, and the others will 

take up the thing only on its own grounds. Grey’s scruples 

are all for fear of injuring her. If you have any. thing to 

write, address under cover to Lord Thanet, Hothfield, Kent. 
“ Yours ever, H. Brovenam.” 


Lady Charlotte Lindsay wrote to me as follows: 


**16th March, 1814. 

“T have found means, without any danger, of letting Prin- 
cess Charlotte know that I would be with her this morning, 
and accordingly she received me by herself in Miss Knight’s 
room. She read both your letters very attentively, was very 
much satisfied with them, and said that it was a great ease to 
her mind to feel herself in the hands of a person whose integ- 
rity, abilities, and discretion she could entirely depend upon; 
that she should be careful to follow your advice in every re- 
spect ; and that she was very much obliged to me for having 
executed her commission so well. She seems very much in 
earnest in her desire of not leaving England without some 
Parliamentary security for her return whenever she wishes to 
do so, and says that she conceives at present, at least, it would 
be very unsafe for her to go to Holland, as she understands 
from the young prince’s letters that the levies of troops are 
going on slowly, and that he finds it very difficult to get them 
into any state of defense, owing to their indolence, notwith- 
standing their loyalty to him and his family. Princess Char- 
lotte then spoke a good deal about her mother, and said (what 
I always apprehended would be the case) that she was told 
that her mother found very great fault with her to every 
body, and said that ‘ she could not think she was her daugh- 
ter, as she showed such want of character,’ and that ‘she had 
no spirit or steadiness.’ I denied ever having heard the 
Princess of Wales hold such language (which, by-the-by, was 
a white lie), but I said it was natural for a mother to feel 
much solicitude about her daughter’s attention, and to be very 
much hurt at not hearing from her as usual, and at seeing her 
so seldom; but she said that the king was just now so full of 
Lady Perceval’s business, that she was afraid of asking leave 


150 THE PRINCESS OF WALES [1814. 


to go to her mother. But she promised me that she would 
do so very soon, and that she would desire the young Prince 
of Orange to do so as soon as ever he returns to England. 
She gave me some instances of the manner in which her moth- 
er is watched, and how every thing is known by the royal 
family, who are quite uncomfortable.” 


The following letters are from Miss Knight to Lady Char- 
lotte Lindsay : 


MISS KNIGHT TO LADY CHARLOTTE LINDSAY. 


“Friday afternoon. 

“My pear Lapy Cuartorre,—Pray forgive my not hay- 
ing sooner put an end to your anxiety by writing; but it 
really has not been in my power till now. 

“The conference broke off yesterday in the manner you 
know; and in the evening Princess Charlotte sent a letter to 
the Prince of Orange, repeating that, as his duties called him 
to Holland, and hers retained her in England, she considered 
the matter as at an end after what had passed in the morning. 
Her royal highness has written to the Princess, and has sent 
her a copy of her letter to the Prince of Orange. She desires 
to be kindly remembered to you, and requests, if you have an 
opportunity with any of the princess’s advisers, to say that 
she has no objection to her letter being shown to any friends, 
or mentioned, but would not by any means have it appear in 
print. 

“She has desired the Prince of Orange to inform the prince 
regent of her letter, but has had no answer. . She sent back 
his picture at the same time. Believe me, my dear Lady 
Charlotte, your much obliged KE. C. Kyiant.” 


MISS KNIGHT TO LADY CHARLOTTE LINDSAY. 
** Friday. 
“My pear Lapy Cuartotre,—I am just returned from 
the exhibition at Spring Gardens, where I met Miss Hayman. 
She brought me a commission from Princess ‘Charlotte, for 
which reason I must see immediately Mr. Whitbread; and 
pray let him know that she and Lady Elizabeth come on Sun- 
day morning at 3 o’clock to Kensington Palace. There is a 


aT. 36.] AND THE PRINCESS CITARLOTTE. 151 


violent storm at Warwick House about what concerns Prin- 
cess Charlotte’s going abroad. Her father intends to fright- 
en her with all sorts of dreadful consequences if she will not 
obey. I am in great haste—don’t answer—and believe me 
forever yours, E. C. Kytaur.” 


FROM LADY CHARLOTTE LINDSAY. 

‘**Sempling, August 8, 1814. 
“My pear Mr. Broucuam,—I am commanded to send you 
a copy of a letter that the princess has just written to Mr. 
Whitbread; I have copied it literally, as you will see. Our 
baggage is putting on board the Jason, and this night, or ear- 
ly to-morrow, we are to embark. I am much grieved, but 
not surprised, to find that the idea of the princess’s departure 
from England has had a terrible effect upon Princess Char- 
lotte: her agitation was so great upon receiving the letter an- 
nouncing her mother’s intention, that Baillie and the surgeons 
were obliged to be immediately sent for. I heard this from 
Miss*Mercer, to whom I had written to give all the comfort 
I can respecting the probability that the princess will return 
to this country again; and the princess has written herself to 

Princess Charlotte to assure her of this. Adieu. 
“CHARLOTTE Linpsay.” 


152 THE PRINCESS OF WALES (1814. 


CHAPTER XIII. 
THE PRINCESS OF WALES AND THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE. 


The Princess Charlotte and Court Politics, continued.—Statement on the 
whole ‘‘ Situation” to Lord Grey.—His Views in answer.—Question of 
the Heiress to the Throne living abroad.—Precedent in the Daughters of 
James II.—The Princess.—Lady Charlotte Lindsay.—Miss Mercer (Lady 
Keith) and Miss Knight.—The Prince of Orange.—Revelations of the Do- 
mestic Affairs of the Regent, and their Effect on the Country.—The As- 
sembly of the Foreign Magnates in London.—The Prince Regent's Demand 
that the Princess should be excluded from the Queen’s Drawing-room.— 

~ Correspondence on the Affair.—How affected by the Assembly of the For- 
eign Princes in London.—Flight of the Princess Charlotte to her Mother. 
—The Consequence. : 


In consequence of what had passed with the Princess Char- 
lotte, I wrote to Lord Grey upon the whole entanglement of 
her situation, and desired him to consider it on its own mer- 
its, and also with a view to the state both of public feeling 
and of parties in Parliament. The following correspondence 
took place on the subject: 


TO EARL GREY. 


** Lancaster, March 12, 1814. 

“My prar Lorp Grey,—I received yours the day before 
yesterday, and have been prevented by business from writing 
till to-day, when I fear there is no certainty of your receiving 
this letter before you leave Howick. Therefore I shall write 
to-morrow or next day at length to Portman Square. In the 
mean time, I wish you to turn in your mind the insecurity of 
any promise the Prince of Orange could make to the Princess 
Charlotte. I doubt not he would say very readily, on her 
asking some pledge, ‘Oh yes, certainly, and after the mar- 
riage they would do with her as they pleased; so that it 
Seems as if nothing but a Parliamentary proceeding could 
give any real safety. However, it is clear (as you observe) 


OO —_— 


__— 


AT. 36.] AND THE PRINCESS CIARLOTTE. 153 


that this mode should be tried by her first, and that the re- 
fusal, or, what is much more likely, the grant of the pledge 
and its subsequent forfeiture, would strengthen the ground 
for interference. In the mean time, while she does as may be 
fittest for her, there is no reason why in Parliament, and on 
_ public grounds, independently of her, the question should not 
be mooted. But this is leading into a long discussion, and 
may better be deferred till I write fully. All I am anxious 
about is to warn you against the personal prejudices which 
some of our friends are so fond of mixing with even the most 
sound and general questions. You prevented these from in- 
terfering upon the subject of Burdett’s motion last session, 
and I dare say you will have a similar difficulty in our cause 
now. The old princess’s affairs will be sought to be mixed 
up with this, which in reality stands quite apart from them. 
It would be perfect folly to mix them together. Of the 
Cochrane business I know nothing, except that I have re- 
ceived general retainers for the respective parties within the 
last three or four days, apparently in the contemplation of 
some proceedings in a high tone. Who is implicated I can’t 
say, except as I see in the newspapers.* Yarmouth and Low- 
ther were at first much talked of. You will sce in to-day’s 
papers a good deal of talk about a canvass for me in West- 
minster. I know nothing at all about it,and shall probably 
hear no more. I feel pretty indifferent upon the subject, for 
though I have seen quite enough to convince me that it is the 
only chance I have of ever seeing the inside of the House of 
Commons again, it would be a seat somewhat hard to sit upon. 
Believe me ever truly yours, H. Brovenam.” 


TO EARL GREY. 
‘York, March 15, 1814, 
“My prar Lorp Grey,—I received your letter to-day, and 
am sorry that I have neither notes nor books near me to en- 
able me to enter into the discussion of the point alluded to. 


aaa SAG ae ae a 


* It was in the preceding February that the false rumor about Napoleon, 
charged as a conspiracy for raising the Funds, occurred, which led to the 
celebrated imprisonment of Lord Cochrane. See the true history of the af- 
fair in Lord Brougham’s ‘Statesmen of the Time of George III.” 


G2 


154 THE PRINCESS OF WALES [1814. 


But, generally, I think I can trust myself so far as to say that 
there is no law preventing the heir-apparent from going be- 
yond seas.. The only restraining law of this kind of which I 
am aware is that clause in the Act of Settlement (12 and 13 
W.III.) which provides that the successor to the crown, after 
Anne, shall not go abroad without consent of Parliament; 
but this is only to restrain the actual sovereign, and it was 
repealed in the first year of George I. The king for the time 
being (that is, in the present case, the regent) has a general 
power of disposing of the persons of the family under age, 
for the case of the grandchildren of George I. (so profligately 
answered by ten or twelve judges) only goes to infants, ap- 
parently. It is worth remarking, however, that these judges, 
who argue most strongly for the prerogative, give as one rea- 
son the danger of the royal family scattered abroad in foreign 
countries. But as to positive law there is none, I take it, one 
way or another. The case is one for Parliamentary interfer- 
ence, upon the broad constitutional grounds. Indeed I am 
inclined to think a fair argument against the marriage might 
be raised (certainly not upon precedent or authority, but upon 
analogy); for jealous as our law is of the interference of 
aliens, is it not anomalous that we should have no jealousy of 
a foreign sovereign prince obtaining such insight as the king- 
consort must always possess? However, this is a mere spec- 
ulation. But, at all events, the principle of it should so far 
operate as to prevent any thing more than is necessary from 
being permitted. There will be time enough when we mect 
to discuss this further. 

“ You will before this time have perceived by my last let- 
ter that the same view of the advantage of the princess re- 
tiring for a little time has forcibly struck me, which you ap- 
pear to feel so strongly. On the other hand, her own strong 
inclination to have some Parliamentary discussion, by way 
of security for her, should not be overlooked ; and quite inde- 
pendent of her, the question should be viewed on its own 
merits. Yours ever, H. Broveuam.” 


In answer to what I had written to Lord Grey relating to 
the difficult situation in which the Princess Charlotte was 
placed, I received from him the following letter, to which he 


ZT. 36.] AND THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE. L5o 


shortly afterwards added a second, supplying an omission he 
had made in the first : 


FROM LORD GREY. 
‘* Howick, March 7, 1814. 

“ My pEAR Brovenam,—tThe subject of your letter, which 
I received last night, is involved, I fear, in a good deal of dif- 
ficulty. I do not mean that what is right is in any degree 
doubtful. There can be no question, I think, as to the propri- 
ety of stipulating that the princess’s chief residence should be 
in England ; and this, if necessary, I shall not hesitate to state 
as my opinion in the House of Lords. But if it comes to 
that, though I may acquit my conscience, and have, as I think 
I shall have, the best of the argument, Iam afraid we shall do 
little as to the object itself. You know the general servility 
of Parliament—the timidity, to give it the softest name, of 
many of our friends, even after all their experience, with re- 
spect to any question which may be deemed personal to the 
prince—and the motives which would not fail to be ascribed 
to me personally if I were to appear very forward and eager 
in such a question. You know me too well to suppose that 
either the fear of failure, or of the obloquy which might at- 
tend it, would deter me from doing what I thought essentially 
right and necessary; and ultimately it may come to this. 
But where the interest of another person, and patticularly 
such an interest, is at stake, every previous measure of con- 
ciliation should be tried to obtain that which, I fear, can not 
be obtained in any other way. In all events such a course 
must be useful, either to improve the chances of success, if 
there are any, or to diminish the disadvantages of failure, by 
showing that strong measures were not resorted to till every 
other hope had failed. 

“J am therefore of opinion that this matter can, in the first 
instance at least, be brought forward with advantage only by 
the princess herself. This ought to have been done when the 
marriage was first proposed to her. It is not now, however, 
too late; and a temperate but firm application to the prince 
for a previous security that she never shall be compelled to 
leave England against her will, or for a longer time than she 
may approve, would, I think, be the right measure. .I can 


156 THE PRINCESS OF WALES (1814. 


not conceive on what ground such an application could be 
resisted. It could not, however, fail of success ultimately, if 
resolutely supported; and at all events would, as I have al- 
ready said, greatly assist any ulterior measure in Parliament, 
if such should become necessary. 

“In the short interval since I received your letter, I have 
not been able to look back to the case of Queen Anne, and I 
am not sure that I have materials here for sucha search. But 
I can not conceive that this can form any precedent. Queen 
Anne was married before her father’s abdication, when she 
had an elder sister, not hopeless of children, and a brother be- 
tween her and the throne. There was not, therefore, at that 
time any greater necessity for providing for her residence 
here than for that of our princess royal. Besides, in point of 
fact, I never heard that it was proposed to take her to Den- 
mark, or that she ever went there. I need not say how wide- 
ly different the case is of the Princess Charlotte, who now 
stands next to the prince in succession to the crown. 

“T have lost no time in saying what has occurred to me on 
this subject, because I really take a deep interest in it, and 
am most anxious to do with respect to it whatever may be 
found most useful for the princess and the public; and there 
is nobody whose opinions I shall be more anxious to consult 
upon it than yours. I shall, therefore, be very much obliged 
to you to communicate to me all you think and know. It is, 
as you say, a case of a very delicate character ; but if there 
are any circumstances of a peculiar nature, I should wish to 
be informed of them. My motives to this wish you will un- 
derstand from what I have already said, and as to the caution 
which is required in the manner of conducting it. To do this 
in the best manner, one should know every thing that can be 
known, whether of a public or a private nature. 

“Tam very glad you have had no communication on this 
matter with the old princess, and would strongly recommend 
a strict observance of the same reserve; not only because I 
do not think her discretion to be trusted, but because any ap- 
pearance of connecting this with her disagreement with the 
prince would have the worst effect, both as to the success of 
the object you have in view and the credit of all those who 
may assist in promoting it. What I have written I mean. 


ZT. 36.] AND THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE. 157 


only for yourself, and to be communicated to no other person 

at present. Ever yours, GREY. 
“T shall probably set out for London the beginning of next 

week.” f 


FROM LORD GREY. 

“* Howick, March 15, 1814. 
“My pear Brovenam,—The case of Queen Mary is much 
more in point than that of Queen Anne; but even that is very 
different from the present, and the times still more. Besides, 
the motives of James II. for keeping her out of England do 

not make this a very good precedent. 
“Yours in haste, Grey.” 


The Princess Charlotte’s resolution appeared to gain daily 
more strength, as she discovered the intention of sending her 
abroad; although at one moment, while this was kept con- 
cealed from her, she had actually given her consent. 

The following letters, written at that time, show the de- 
termination on both sides—the princess’s, not to yield with- 
out a positive condition of residence in England ; the prince’s, 
to refuse that condition. In fact, it was a refusal on her part 
to the match: 


TO EARL GREY. 
** York, March 17, 1814. 

“Dxar Lorp Grey,—I was prevented yesterday and the 
day before from concluding my letter of Monday. 

“The prince’s great object is to get the Princess Charlotte 
out of the way, to Holland ; and he will also try to surround 
her with creatures of his own. This may do for a while : 
but I am confident she will look about her immediately, and 
Holland is the country best adapted for boring her, and mak- 
ing her wish to be at home again. Nor is it possible that, 
while she remains there, she should not have access to such 
Englishmen as may choose to go over; and I presume that if 
she is kept there by constraint, a few lines of remonstrance— 
followed, if necessary, by a direct communication to Parlia- 
ment—would speedily discomfit the plot. I fancy most peo- 
ple would take her part in such a contest. Indeed, you will 
see abundant disposition to do so even now. 


158 THE PRINCESS OF WALES [1s14. 


“ But upon constitutional grounds, and wholly independent 
of her personal convenience or feelings upon the matter, it 
should seem that Parliamentary notice ought to be taken of 
the singular situation in which this marriage will place her— 
viz., under control of a person not amenable to our laws, and 
who may carry her out of the realm. Then if she is carried 
abroad, and the crown devolves on her, as it may any day, can 
any situation be conceived more absurd than for the queen of 
this country to be abroad as a subject of a foreign state? and 
a subject, by the laws of that state, incapable of leaving its 
territory without the consent of her husband ? 

“‘T mentioned Miss Mercer as having behaved ill on some 
occasions. Of this there is no doubt. She has been very 
selfish, and endeavored to monopolize the princess. She has 
gone great lengths in courting the prince with this view, and 
kept the princess from being attentive to some persons whom 
he dislikes—e. g., Lord and Lady Tavistock. But I believe 
she has no influence of any weight. 

*“ Yours ever, 15 UN ee 


TO EARL GREY. 
‘¢-YVork, March 21, 1814. 

“My pear Lorp Grey,—tThe circumstance of delicacy re- 
specting the Princess Charlotte to which I have alluded, is, 
that, notwithstanding all appearances (calculated, I admit, to 
lead towards an opposite conclusion), she continues in the 
same mind as formerly, retains the same opinion of her father, 
and is only kept by the constraint incident to her situation 
from coming to open rupture. The overt act of these inten- 
tions to which I am especially alluding is, that she has recent- 
ly opened a communication with me, and desired my advice 
respecting her marriage and the carrying her out of the coun- 
try. The person through whom this is carried on is Lady 
Charlotte Lindsay, and I inclose the last letter received from 
her, which I beg you to return. One of the two letters which 
she refers to contained earnest advice to the purport suggested 
by you. The absolute necessity of keeping this wholly secret 
—above all, from the old princess—places Lady Charlotte 
Lindsay in a very delicate situation; but she is quite con- 
vinced that whatever is for the benefit of the young princess, 


— Te 


AT. 36. ] AND THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE. 159 


and tends to keep her out of her father’s hands and Yar- 
mouth’s, is for the mother’s good in the long run. Miss 
Knight is another obstacle ; for though I think well of her, I 
would not allow her to know any thing about the matter, for 
the sake of caution; so that I desired Lady Charlotte on no 
account to say a word while she was by, and this created 
some delay. 

“Tn order to explain these proceedings, and indeed to vin- 
dicate the Princess Charlotte from an imputation of rashness, 
and myself also, I must go a little back, and mention the two 
circumstances on which principally I take whatever confidence 
she has in me to be founded. About the end of 1812 (before 
the explosion of the letter) she grew extremely impatient, and 
resolved to leave Windsor, by running away to her mother’s, 
and desired this plan to be communicated to me. I need not 
enter into details, which are long; but I certainly prevented 
this step from being taken. She then wished to see me pri- 
vately, to talk over her case, and had arranged a scheme for 
the purpose; but I refused peremptorily, and explained the 
extreme danger to herself of such proceedings, but continued 
to advise her through her mother. 

“The other circumstance is, that she having afterwards 
written a letter, I believe in the most frank and confidential 
terms, to a political friend in whose discretion I had no kind 
of confidence, and sent it to me to deliver to him, I of my own 
authority stopped it, and kept it, refusing to deliver it either to 
the person to whom it was written, or to the mother, through 
whom I received it. A week had not elapsed before she was 
quite convinced that I had saved her from a dreadful scrape 
in both those quarters, and expressed her relief and gratitude 
most fully. 

“T believe that these circumstances, rather than my connec- 
tion with the Princess of Wales, are the origin of her late 
communication (and of others of lesser note last summer). 
The affair of Lady Perceval, indeed, was not likely to make 
her look much towards her mother at this moment; and, con- 
scientiously speaking, I really could not recommend any one 
to have any communication with the latter while the most 
remote possibility remains of her ever seeing that friend. 

“TI must now add that she agreed to the match as a mere 


160 THE PRINCESS OF WALES (1814, 


matter of convenience and emancipation, caring for the Prince 
of Orange literally nothing. The prince regent never named 
it to her, but brought the Prince of Orange to her before he 
went abroad, and then left the room. The latter popped the 
question, and she said Yes. This is the literal fact. These 
details may furnish you with means of estimating how things 
stand in that quarter. She is aware of all that has been said 
against her, and suspected of her, and is much hurt with it, 
though apparently not denying that her necessities have made 
her give a color to such stories. How far she is to be relied 
on is another matter. I only tell you what I know. 

“As for Miss Mercer, she has little or no influence with her, 
but of this hereafter. You may believe me when I say so. 
I have more to say, but have no time to-night. Believe me 
ever most truly yours, H. Broucuam. 

“ Pray write by return.” 


TO EARL GREY. 
‘“Temple, April 14, 1814. 

“Dear Lorp Grey,—I inclose a few notes respecting the 
heir apparent and presumptive. The books are very meagre 
on the subject, and we are left almost entirely to the general 
superintending powers of Parliament. However, these refer- 
ences clearly demonstrate that Parliament has at all times 
taken the heir or heiress presumptive into its consideration. 
Indeed I do not know any instance of a difference made be- 
tween heir apparent and presumptive except in the treason 
law, and even there it seems to depend on the sex as well as 
the apparency ; for though Lord Hale thinks that the grandson 
comes within the protection of the statute (25 Ed. IIL, ¢. 2), 
as falling under the words (jilz eigne et hiere), it can scarcely 
be supposed that the eldest daughter of an heir-apparent de- 
ceased, and leaving no sons, would be held to answer the de- 
scription. The rights to the duchy, etc., are still more con- 
fined to the eldest son. I have not had time to look through 
my notes on these subjects, but have gone through the parts 
most likely to offer matter applicable to the case in question. 

“Tf I find any thing else, I shall send it. 

“T send two volumes: one of State Trials, and the other of 
Parliamentary History. 

“Yours ever truly, H. Brovenam.” 


T, 36.] AND THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE. 161 


FROM LADY CHARLOTTE LINDSAY. 
‘* Thursday, 4 past 3 o'clock, ” 

“Dear Mr. Broveuam,—I am just returned from a three 
hours’ visit at Warwick House, where I arrived at a most 
critical and interesting moment. When I came in, Princess 
Charlotte told me that she was very anxious to see me, for she 
had come to a resolution to have a thorough explanation with 
the Prince of Orange: that-as no preparation was making for 
any house for them, she felt convinced that they meant to play 
her a trick, and get her out of England as soon as she should 
be married. She also told me that she found the Prince of 
Orange much changed in his language about her mother, and 
taking part more with the prince regent; that she was deter- 
mined to’support her mother, and felt that both she and her 
mother should remain in England, and support and protect 
each other. In all the popular applause she has lately re- 
ceived, her name has always been coupled with her mother’s, 
which seems to have had a great effect upon her. While we 
were talking the Prince of Orange was announced: she went 
to him, and desired that I should remain where I was, to hear 
the result of their conference, which has ended in her positive 
declaration that she will not leave England now, but will 
avail herself of the discretionary power promised her in the 
contract; and gave as her reason the situation of the Princess 
of Wales, whom she thought herself bound in duty not to 
leave under her present circumstances. He appeared to be 
very unhappy, but seemed to admit that if Princess Charlotte 
adhered to this resolution, the marriage must be off. 'He 
begged her to reconsider it, and left the house in much agita- 
tion. All this proves that it was the intention to send them 
immediately to Holland, or to break off the match in case of 
Princess Charlotte’s availing herself of the power given her 
in the words of the contract. She seems to be quite resolved 
not to yield, and has promised to let me know the moment 
this matter is completely ended. I wish you had been in my 
pocket to have given your advice; but I think she must not 
be blamed, for surely she is only consistent in requiring to re- 
main in England, and his behavior shows that he knew that 
they meant to send them to Holland immediately. Of course, 


162 THE PRINCESS OIF WALES [1814. 


all this must be quite secret at present. Will it be beneficial 
or hurtful to the Princess of Wales that it should be known 
that her daughter insists upon staying in England upon her 
account? Jam to meet the Princess of Wales to-night at the 
play, for she persists in her intention of going there, although 
Ward wrote to her, and I gave her your opinion also upon 
that point. If ladies are allowed to go to the Freemasons’ 
Tavern to-morrow, I shall be there. I have sent to ask Lady 
Elizabeth Whitbread to take me. If she don’t go,can you 
get me admitted, in case I come there with my nephew? 
Then, perhaps, we might get a little conversation after the 
business is over. I am afraid that I am as great a plague to 
you as Lady Westmoreland is to me; but this is a critical 
moment. Adieu. 
“ Kver truly yours, C. Linpsay.” 


Such was the state of things between the Princess Char- 
lotte and her father in July, 1814, when he suddenly, by a 
message, let her know that her ladies were to be changed, 
and that her establishment was to be put on a new footing, 
about which she had not been at all consulted. 

Having taken every possible precaution to avoid a false 
step on the princess’s part, we had made up our minds to the 
bitterest hostility being encountered by her advisers. As all 
anxiety or doubt on that score was at an end, we only had to 
await the event of our measures, and certainly could not have 
hoped for such an error as the adverse party at once com- 
mitted, and which immediately made the day our own. - 

The regent thought he had devised a cunning way of meet- 
ing the letter, of which he had intimation, on the princess re- 
questing to know when and where it would be received.* 
His difficulty was to answer it; and he made Liverpool state 
that all communications must be addressed to the ministers, 
for that as to the letter he himself could neither receive nor 
read it. There could not be a greater mistake, indeed a more 
enormous blunder, than he and his advisers committed in this 
refusal. Of course they must have presumed that the letter, 
though addressed to him, was much more intended for the 





* See above, p. 123. 


AT. 36.] AND THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE. 163 


public, unless a satisfactory answer should be given; and 
that nothing could possibly prevent its reaching the public 
but such an answer to the remonstrance as would place, or be 
universally believed to place, the princess and her advisers in 
the wrong. The refusal to read, or in any way to entertain 
the subject, gave us a complete right to publish, and to com- 
plain of the refusal as an aggravation of the cause of com- 
plaint. We published it accordingly, and it was read and 
devoured by the whole country. I recollect no instance of 
such effects being produced by any statement of a case, or 
appeal to the public upon a grievance. The suddenness of 
the proceeding, and the plain and simple nature of the com- 
plaint on a subject by which the domestic feclings of all were 
affected, no doubt contributed mainly to the effect produced. 
The impréssion made against the prince, and in favor of his 
wife and child, was universal and inconceivable; and the 
daughter was regarded as making common cause: with her 
mother—at all events, as suffering under the same maltreat- 
ment. The men of Carlton House were undeceived too late, 
and any answer of an ordinary kind would now have proved 
unavailing. No defense was possible of the conduct pursued; 
and any extenuation of it, or even explanation, came too late. 
Nothing but a positive denial of the statement could be of 
the least avail. The prince and his advisers were therefore 
driven to commit a second error, almost as great as their 
first. For the first we had not been prepared—it seemed too 
great a blunder to be possible, and we never had contem- 
plated the possibility. We were not so much taken unawares 
by the second, which was, that they had recourse to recrimi- 
nation. They raked up all the parts of the evidence taken in 
the Secret Inquiry of 1806, and published whatever was un- 
explained, and which made against the princess, without giv- 
ing the judgment of entire acquittal pronounced by the com- 
mission, composed principally of the prince’s friends, after 
full examination of the whole matter. Thus all the details of 
the pregnancy, confinement, and delivery were given, and 
filled the newspapers for three days, making them utterly of- 
fensive to all readers. The public was universally filled with 
disgust; and though some persons might for a moment give 
credit to the story, yet there being direct proofs that the 


164 THE PRINCESS Of WALES [1814. 


child was that of a known mother—a sail-maker’s wife at 
Deptford, as the commission had reported before a week was 
over —the attempt to impeach the princess’s credit in any 
way had entirely failed, and the indignation raised by the 
letter was increased greatly by the course taken to an- 
swer it. 

But besides these publications of the evidence taken in 
1806, and indeed preparatory to that publication— which, 
however, they always denied, though they could give no ex- 
planation of its having got out—they had recourse to a pro- 
ceeding in the Privy Council as irregular as the one some 
years before. On the pretense that the letters contained a 
charge against the prince of having suborned perjured wit- 
nesses in 1806, a summons was issued to all the law lords of 
the Privy Council, the archbishops and speaker, master of the 
rolls, and other legal members. To them the evidence taken 
formerly was referred, with other documents since obtained ; 
‘upon all which evidence, behind the back of the princess, and 
their sitting and inquiry not being even communicated to her, 
they were desired to decide on the propriety of the restric- 
tions laid upon the intercourse of the mother and daughter. 
They, of course, made a report that the restriction should 
continue, and also that there was no ground for any charge 
against the prince regent respecting the proceedings of 1806.* 
The publication of the letters was put forward in the sum- 
mons as the pretense for this proceeding. But there existed 
no proof that the princess had caused the publication, and it 
was well known that copies of the letter had been given by 
persons connected with Carlton House; for Lady Melbourne 
had one, manifestly furnished from that quarter, and another 
had found its way to a great broker on the Stock Exchange. 
The whole proceeding excited but little attention; the coun- 
try was wholly occupied with the prince’s conduct, and this 
new secret inquiry only added to his extreme unpopularity. 
The last proceeding was considered as a reassertion, by its 
result, of the princess’s conduct being, and having been 
throughout, unexceptionable. Addresses were presented to 


* This report has been repeatedly published. It will be found in Hansard, 
vol, xxiv., p. 1107,.and in the Appendix to Miss Knight’s Autobiography, 


aT. 36.] AND THE PRINCESS CHARL OTTE. 165 


her from the city of London, and various other towns and 
some counties, congratulating her upon this new defeat of 
her enemies; and her mother’s death (Duchess of Bruns- 
wick, sister of George III.) having happened at this time, 
many of the addresses were of condolence. 

The universal contempt into which the regent had fallen 
was attended with great and general commiseration for his 
wife and daughter—I must say, for the moment, with pretty 
great blame of Whitbread and myself. For the public at 
large felt much incensed by what had been discovered, yet 
would apparently have been well pleased that the matter had 
never been brought before the public at all; and some here 
and there were even ready enough to blame us for interferin g 
between husband and wife, parent and child, totally forgetting 
that the parties were members of “the royal family and the 
Government of the country, and thus their conduct was a 
State affair. A little reflection sufficed to set matters right, 
and in a month I was quite confident that there would not 
have been found twenty persons in any part of the country 
unconnected with party, and beyond the influence of the 
Government, or rather of the regent, that did not render us 
entire justice. I recollect that at the time of the letter ap- 
pearing, and the first explosion it made, I was on the north- 
ern circuit, and was loudly cried out against by all the lead- 
ers except Scarlett, and to a certain degree Topping. As for 
the body of the circuit, they looked upon me as doomed. I 
had made a personal enemy of the regent, and could never 
get over it; and the youngest man among them would not 
live to see me in a silk gown. It is singular enough that the 
regent did long afterwards keep me out of my due rank, 
though after many intervening causes of quarrel. 

Both Whitbread and I saw occasionally difficulties raised 
by the princess taking advice of others, such as Lady Perce- 
val and Lady Anne Hamilton, when she conceived that we 
were too cautious in our councils. 

The subject, however, both of the high parties and their 
advisers, was in the course of a short time forgotten in the 
great events which filled up that year and the beginning of 
the next—the end of the war and of N apoleon. But next 
year renewed all the quarrels of the royal parties, and the ac- 


166 THE PRINCESS OF WALES T1sL4. 


tion of their advisers, when the foreign princes came to En- 
gland upon the peace. 

The arrival of the foreign princes made a great sensation 
in the town, and caused a display at court. The queen (Char- 
lotte) was made to hold a drawing-room for their reception, 
and the great object of the regent was to prevent all, even 
the most ordinary, respect and civility being shown to the 
princess his wife. The queen, by his commands, or request— 
which, now the king was confined for life, had become equal 
to commands—refused to receive her at court, though she 
might at: any moment have become her successor. ‘This was 
resented by the people to such a degree that the old queen 
was not only assailed with yells as she passed along the street, 
but the vile practice was applied to her of spitting which had 
been introduced at late elections; and she complained of it 
on her arrival at the palace in her broken English, but in 
very plain and expressive terms: “ My Lords, I be fifty year 
and more in this country, and well respected; but now I be 
shspit on.” 

In the following letter she announced to the Princess of 
Wales that her husband had forbidden her the drawing-room: 


‘¢ Windsor Castile, May 23, 1814. 

“The queen considers it to be her duty to lose no time in 
acquainting the Princess of Wales that she has received a 
communication from her son, the prince regent, in which he 
states that her majesty’s intention of holding two drawing- 
rooms in the ensuing month having been notified to the pub- 
lic, he must declare that he considers that his own presence 
at her court can not be dispensed with, and that he desires it 
may be distinctly understood, for reasons for which he alone 
can be the judge, to be his fixed and unalterable determina- 
tion not to meet the Princess of Wales upon any occasion ei- 
ther in public or private. 

“The queen is thus placed under the painful necessity of 
intimating to the Princess of Wales the impossibility of her 
majesty receiving her royal highness at her drawing-rooms. 

“ Cyariorte, R.” 


To this the princess returned an answer, which had been 


AT, 36.] AND THE PRINCESS CHARLOTT L. 167 


carefully considered and prepared, and in communication with 
the Princess Charlotte. The following letters passed between 
Whitbread and me on the subject: 


TO SAMUEL WHITBREAD, ESQ. 


“Westminster, one o'clock. 

“T fear I shall be detained here for half an hour longer; 
and therefore, in case you go before I can overtake you, I 
wish to mention what occurs to me, subject to your opinion. 
I think H.R.H. should to-day send a letter to the queen, pro- 
testing against the order, both on the grounds of the dark in- 
sinuations in the prince regent’s communication, and because 
her restoration to court seven years ago’was the symbol of 
her complete acquittal; and she can not waive the right of 
going there now, without admitting inferences injurious to 
her honor, especially as certain proceedings have been held 
respecting her since she was last at court, and it is known 
that the result of these has been a full confirmation, and, if 
possible, an extension, of the former acquittal. She should 
again dare them to speak out ; assert that they know they 
have nothing to say against her; and then leave the letter a 
day, to see what answer they make. If they do nothing, 
publish. 

“This is what occurs to me as clear. I shall be in Dover 
Street, if I can’t get farther, so as to settle the letter before it 
is finally agreed on. Yours ever, H. B.” 


\ 


FROM §. WHITBREAD, ESQ. 


“Dear Brovcuam,—I am obliged to go to the committee 
at Drury Lane, and can not therefore wait for you, but you 
may find me there till half-past two. 

“TY have the copies for you. I feel confident in what T 
have recommended, but exceedingly regret the untowardness 
of little circumstances which prevented my having your pre- 
vious sanction. TI purposely abstained from the mention of 
the Princess Charlotte, and thought it best to construct the 
letter with the apparent expectation of its ending there— 
which, upon reflection, I do not think it can or will. 

“T do not recollect how she signs herself, therefore be so 


168 THE PRINCESS OF WALES [1814. 


good as to add her signature, and take such steps as you may 
think proper about the publication. I think Friday would 
be better than to-morrow, but the princess is very impatient 
for the printing. I shall be very glad to see you—at all 
events, to have a letter. Yours truly, 


“S, WHITBREAD. 
‘Dover Street, May 24, 1814.” 


We met, accordingly, the same evening. I having consid- 
ered the draft which he had sent me, and being clear that it 
would not do, especially from its omission of the Princess 
Charlotte, with whom we had been in communication through 
her mother, another answer was framed, and, after much con- 
sideration, was communicated to the Princess of Wales. 

Her letter, as sent to the queen at Windsor, was as follows :* 


“Mapam,—I have received the letter which your majesty 
has done me the honor to address to me, prohibiting my ap- 
pearance at the public drawing-rooms which will be held by 
your majesty in the ensuing month, with great surprise and 
regret. 

“J will not presume to discuss with your majesty topics 
which must be as painful to your majesty as to myself. 

“ Your majesty is well acquainted with the affectionate re- 
gard with ‘which the king was so kind as to honor me up to 
the period of his majesty’s indisposition, which no one of his 
majesty’s subjects has so much cause to lament as myself, and 
that his majesty was graciously pleased to bestow upon me 
the most unequivocal and gratifying proof of his attachment 
and approbation by his public reception of me at his court, at 
a season of severe and unmerited affliction, when his protec- 
tion was most necessary to me, where I have since uninter- 
ruptedly paid my respects to your majesty. 

“T am now without appeal or protector, but I can not so far 
forget my duty to the king and to myself as to surrender my 
right to appear at any public drawing-room to be held by 
your majesty. 

“That I may not, however, add to the difficulty and uneasi- 





* See below, p. 172. 


aT. 36, | AND THE PRINCESS CHARL OTTE. 169 


ness of your majesty’s situation, I yield in the present instance 
to the will of his royal highness the prince regent, announced 
to me by your majesty, and shall not present myself at your 
majesty’s drawing-rooms of next month. 

“It would be presumptuous in me to attempt to inquire 
of your majesty the reasons of his royal highness the prince 
regent for this harsh proceeding, of which his royal highness 
can alone be the judge. 

“T am unconscious of offense, and in that reflection I must 
endeayor to find consolation for all the mortifications I expe- 
rience—even for this, the last, the most unexpected, and the 
most severe, the prohibition given to me alone to appear be- 
fore your majesty to offer my congratulations to your majes- 
ty upon the happy termination of those calamities with which 
Europe has been so long afilicted, in the presence of the illus- 
trious personages who will in all probability be assembled at 
your majesty’s court, with whom I am so closely connected 
by birth and marriage. 

“T beseech your majesty to do me an act of justice, to 
which, in the present circumstances, your majesty is the only 
person competent, by acquainting those illustrious personages 
with the motives of personal consideration towards your maj- 
esty which alone induce me to abstain from the exercise of 
my. right to appear before your majesty; and that I do now, 
as I have done at all times, defy the malice of my enemies to 
fix upon me the shadow of any One imputation which could 
render me unworthy of their society or regard. 

“Your majesty will, I am sure, not be displeased that I 
should relieve myself from a Suspicion of disrespect towards 
your majesty, by making public the cause of my absence from 
court at a time when the duties of my station would other- 
wise peculiarly demand my attendance. I have the honor to 
be your majesty’s most obedient daughter-in-law and servant, 

“ Caroine, P.* 
“* Connaught Hiouse, May 24, 1814.” : 


RGIS SCE tooo ok tae EP 


* This correspondence was transmitted to the Speaker, and read by him 
in the House of Commons on the 3d June. The reading was followed by 
an excited debate.—See Hansard Jor June, 1814, p. 1047, 

Vor. I..—H 


170 THE PRINCESS OF WALES [isi4. 


The queen, though at Windsor, returned immediately this 
answer : 

‘‘ Windsor Castle, May 25, 1814. 

“The queen has received this afternoon the Princess of 
Wales’s letter of yesterday, in reply to the communication 
which she was desired by the prince regent to make to her 5 
and she is sensible of the disposition expressed by her royal 
highness not to discuss with her topics which must be pain- 
ful to both. 

“The queen considers it incumbent upon her to send a 
copy of the Princess of Wales’s letter to the prince regent ; 
and her majesty could have felt no hesitation in communica- 
ting to the illustrious strangers who may possibly be present 
at her court the circumstances which will prevent the Prin- 
cess of Wales from appearing there, if her royal highness had 
not rendered a compliance with her wish to this effect un- 
necessary, by intimating her intention of making public the 
cause of her absence. 

“ Cuar.ortre, R.” 


The next day a very temperate though firm answer was re- 
turned : . 


“The Princess of Wales has the honor to acknowledge the 
receipt of a note from the queen, dated yesterday ; and begs 
permission to return her best thanks to her majesty for her 
gracious condescension in the willingness expressed by her 
majesty to have communicated to the illustrious strangers who 
will, in all probability, be present at her majesty’s court, the 
reasons which have induced her royal highness not to be 
present. 

“ Such communication, as it appears to her royal highness, 
can not be the less necessary on account of any publicity 
which it may be in the power of her royal highness to give 
to Her motives; and the Princess of Wales therefore entreats 
the active good offices of her majesty upon an occasion wherein 
the Princess of Wales feels it so essential to her that she 
should not be misunderstood. CaRroLine, P. 

‘* Connaught-House, May 26, 1814.” 





AT. 36, | AND THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE. ive 


TO EARL GREY, 
** Temple, May, 1814. 

“Dear Lorp Grry,—The queen has sent a formal letter 
to the Princess of Wales, stating that she has received a com- 
munication ‘from her son the prince regent, that for reasons 
of state he must attend her drawing-rooms, but that ‘he is 
fixed in his resolution never to be in the same place, public or 
private, with the Princess of Wales, for reasons of which he 
alone can judge.’ Therefore the queen desires she may not 
come to Court!!! 

“Tt being impossible to bear this unless she means to admit 
all that any one may choose to impute (for the mysterious 
reasons will cover any accusation), she has returned a strong 
answer, which I have not seen, but on the grounds pointed 
out by me, referring to the reception at court seven years ago 
as a symbol of her acquittal, the subsequent proceedings and 
further acquittal last year, the reasons alluded to by the prince, 
and taking high ground as to any thing they may choose to 
attempt now. 

“T was prevented from going to her to-day with Whit. 
bread, by being kept at the King’s Bench till a late hour; but 
I saw him last night, and wrote my ideas on the subject fully 
this morning. And the letter was drawn up by him on these 
grounds, and sent off before dinner. The queen’s note came 
last night, but a day or two is to be given them to retract if 
they please. 

“JT suppose no more signal blunder was ever committed. 
If the princess had been to wish for a thing, it should have 
been for this. The prince must really be mad. 

“Yours ever most truly, Hebe 


TO EARL GREY. 
‘* Temple, May, 1814. 

“ DrEar Lorp Grey,—The troubles of the worthy regent 
thicken. He has had an intimation that Alexander means to 
call on the Princess of Wales when he comes ; and this makes | 
him furious. They say Sir Thomas Tyrwhitt is gone to pre- 
vent it—probably to prevent him from coming at all. Then 

_ the Duchess of Oldenburg is angry at the Carlton House 


172 THE PRINCESS OF WALES [isi4. 


newspapers abusing her; and the prince, being afraid of her, 
has denied it. For a trifle the duchess has been good enough 
to come under Lord Erskine’s wing to-day to the King’s 
Bench, Lady Ellenborough: receiving her and giving her a 
breakfast there. But the worst is to come. 

“ Since I wrote to you I learned that, by a most unaccount- 
able mistake of my suggestions, the princess had written a 
mealy-mouthed letter to the queen, and agreed not to go to 
court. The scrape, though very bad, has been turned to ex- 
cellent account; for that letter being to the queen, another is 
now gone to the prince himself, of the firmest quality possi- 
ble. Ihave not time to copy it, as the post is just going ; 
but this is the most material part of it: She reminds him of 
her challenging him in vain to come forward, and tells him 
she must submit to his insinuations, or to be treated as guilty 
after being declared innocent ; and she asks him whether he 
is aware that the time will come when he must meet her in 
public, mentioning ‘the daughter's marriage and thei own 
coronation. 1 suppose he will shake a little at this; at least 
Macmahon said ‘he trembled in his shoes’ when some one 
asked whether the princess’s declaration referred to a. coro- 
nation. 

“Jn short, he is in such a mess that I question if they don’t 
retract and countermand the drawing-rooms. You perceive, 
of course, that the complying with the queen’s request as to 
the drawing-rooms, and writing a civil sort of letter at first, 
does very well with this addition, as it is only sparing the 
queen, who acts from compulsion. 

“Eyer yours most truly, HH. Bz 


It was quite impossible that this treatment should be sub- 
mitted to without a solemn remonstrance, both on the part of 
the princess and her daughter. The following letter, there- 
fore, was addressed to the prince on the same day with the 
last letter to the queen, it having been well considered and 
prepared while that correspondence with the queen was go- 
ing on. 

It will be found that this letter contains, in a condensed; 
form, the substance of the letter to the prince of the year be-' 
fore, the grievances which had given rise to that letter haying 


ZT. 36.] AND THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE. 173 


been increased by what happened in the interval ; more espe- 
cially by the new proceeding upon the arrival of the foreign 
princes. 


“Srr,—I am once more compelled to address your royal 
highness, and to inclose for your inspection copies. of a note 
which I have had the honor to receive from the queen, and of 
the answer which I have thought it my duty to return to her 
majesty. It would be in vain for me to inquire into the rea- 
sons of the alarming declaration made by your royal highness, 
that you have taken the fixed and unalterable determination 
never to meet me in public orin private. Of these your royal 
highness is pleased to state yourself to be the only judge. 
You will perceive by my answer to her majesty that I have 
been only restrained by motives of personal consideration to- 
wards her majesty from exercising my right of appearing be- 
fore her majesty at the public drawing-rooms to be held in the 
ensuing month. 

“But, sir, lest it should be by possibility supposed that the 
words of your royal highness can convey any insinuation from 
which I shrink, I am bound to demand of your royal highness 
what circumstances can justify the proceeding you have thus 
thought fit to adopt? ; 

“TI owe it to myself, to my daughter, and to the nation, to 
which I am deeply indebted for the vindication of my honor, 
to remind your royal highness of what you know, that after 
open persecution and mysterious inquiries upon undefined 
charges, the malice of my enemies fell entirely upon them- 
selves; and that after the first I was restored by the king, 
with the advice of his ministers, to the full enjoyment of my 
rank in his court upon my complete acquittal. 

“Since his majesty’s lamented illness, I have demanded, in 
the face of Parliament and the country, to be proved guilty, 
or to be treated as innocent. Ihave been declared mus Tam 
—innocent. 

“T will not submit to be treated as guilty. 

“Your royal highness may possibly refuse to read this let- 
ter; but the world must know that I have written it; and 
they will see my real motives for foregoing in*this instance 
the rights of my rank.» 


=< 


174 ; THE PRINCESS OF WALES [1814. 


“ Occasions, however, may arise (one, I trust, is far distant) 
when I must appear in public, and your royal highness must 
be present also. 

“Can your royal highness have contemplated the full ex- 
tent of your declaration? Has your royal highness forgotten 
the approaching marriage of our daughter, and the possibility 
of our coronation ? 

“JT waive my rights in a case where I am not absolutely 
bound to assert them, in order to relieve the queen as far as I 
can from the painful situation in which she is placed by your 
royal highness; not from any consciousness of blame, not from 
any doubt of the existence of those rights, or my own worthi- 
ness to enjoy them. 

“Sir, the time you have selected for this proceeding is cal- 
culated to make it peculiarly galling. Many illustrious 
strangers are already arrived in England; among others, as 
‘I am informed, the illustrious heir of the house of Orange, 
who has announced himself to me as my future son-in-law. 

“From their society I am unjustly excluded. Others are 
expected, of rank equal to your own, to rejoice with your royal 
highness in the peace of Europe. 

“ My daughter will for the first time appear in the splendor 
and publicity becoming the approaching nuptials of the pre- 
sumptive heiress of this empire. 

“This season your royal highness has chosen for treating 
me with fresh and unprovoked indignity; and of all his maj- 
esty’s subjects I alone am prevented by your royal highness 
from appearing in my place to partake of the general joy; 
and am deprived of the indulgence in feelings of pride and 
affection permitted to every mother but me. I am, sir, your 
royal highness’s faithful wife, CaRo.inE, P. 

** Connaught House, May 26, 1814.” 


I was dining at Michael Angelo Taylor’s, and in the midst 
of dinner a message came to me that I was wanted at Con- 
naught Place, the residence of the Princess of Wales. I had 
been up almost all the night before in a cause, and in conse- 
quence of this was exceedingly fatigued. I conceived that 
this was one of the many occasions on which the princess sent 
for me unnecessarily, and that the message being verbal must 


ET. 36, ] AND THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE. 135 


be owing to the accident of her lady-in-waiting being out of 
the way, and I said I was unable to gos The messenger sent 
back word that I was wanted on most particular business, and 
that a coach was waiting at the door by express commands. I 
was obliged to comply, and fell asleep as soon as I stepped into 
it, not awaking till it reached Connaught Place. I stumbled 
up stairs, still half-asleep, to the drawing-room. To my as- 
tonishment, I found both my hands seized by the Princess 
Charlotte, who said how impatient she had been at the delay, 
which was owing to her messenger having first gone to my 
chambers in the Temple. I asked by what extraordinary ac- 
cident I had the honor and pleasure of seeing her royal high- 
ness there. She said, “Oh, it is too long to tell now, for I 
have orderedsdinner, and I hope it will soon come up.” She 
only added: that she had come out of Warwick House alone, 
and had got into the first hackney-coach she could sce in 
Cockspur Street, and had sent to Blackheath for her mother, 
who arrived some time after with Lady Charlotte Lindsay. 
We sat down to dinner, and she was in high spirits, seeming 
to enjoy herself like a bird set loose from its cage. I said I 
had nearly dined before her message reached me. She said, 
“You may eat a little bit with us,and at any rate you can 
carve.” I said the only dish I could carve was the soup. 
However, the dinner went on very merrily. Miss Mercer (af- 
terwards Lady Keith and wife of Count Flahault) had been 
sent by the prince as soon as her flight from Warwick House 
was known, there being no doubt entertained as to where she 
had gone. 

I happened to know that the Duke of Sussex dined in the 
neighborhood, and I wrote a note to beg he would come, 
which he did in the course of an hour. There came while we 
were at table various persons sent by the regent: the Chan- 
cellor Eldon, Bishop of Salisbury (the tutor), Ellenborough, 
Adam, Chancellor of the Duchy of Cornwall, and Leach. All 
arrived one after another, and as they were announced the 
princess or her daughter said what was to be done with each. 
Eldon being named, they said, “Oh no; let him wait in his 
carriage,” which was, like that of the Princess Charlotte and 
all the others, a hackney-coach. I said a word for Ellen- 
borough as my chief, but in vain. They said he may remain 


176 THE PRINCESS OF WALES [isi4. 


as well as Old Baggs. When Leach was named they called 
him “Ridicule,” “Retitule,” or Little Baggs. But the bishop 
was ordered to be shown into the dining-room below—we 
having dined in the drawing-room above stairs; and so was 
the Duke of York, who came much later. The Duke of Sus- 
sex, not having been sent by the regent, was brought up 
stairs ; and none of the others had any communication with 
our party except the Duke of York, whom the Princess of 
Wales saw for a few minutes in the room below. It hap- 
pened, unfortunately, that the Duke of Sussex for the last 
nine years had not seen the Princess of Wales, or had any 
communication with her, in consequence of the charge against 
her which led to the proceedings in 1806 having been made 
as a communication to him by Lady Douglas, wife of his 
equerry, and conveyed by the duke to the regent. However, 
no one could have supposed there was the least dryness be- 
tween them, to see how warmly they embraced. Indeed the 
duke had taken no further part in the proceeding than com- 
municating Lady Douglas’s story, which he was bound to do. 
He and the princess talked in German, but this was well un- 
derstood by the Princess Charlotte and also by Miss Mercer, 
so that nothing was concealed which passed. After dinner I 
first begged the Princess Charlotte to give me a full account 
of what hed caused her flight. She said she could not bear 
any longer the treatment she met with of changing her ladies 
without her consent, and of interrupting her intercourse with 
her mother and Margaret (meaning Miss Mercer), her most 
intimate friend ; ands that it was her fixed resolution, after 
throwing herself on her mother’s protection, to reside with 
her entirely. But she dwelt much upon the match; and 
though I repeated what I had often assured her of, that with- 
out her consent freely given it never could take place, she said, 
“They may wear me out by ill-treatment, and may represent 
that I have changed my mind and consented.” We then con- 
versed upon the subject with the others, and after a long dis- 
cussion on that and her lesser grievances, she took me aside 
and asked me what, upon the whole, I advised her to do. I 
said at once, “ Return to Warwick House or Carlton House, 
and on no account to pass a night out of her own house. » 
She was extremely affected, and cried, asking if I too refused 


ZT. 36. ] AND THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE. 177 


to stand by her. TI said, quite the contrary, and that as to the 
marriage I gave no opinion, except that she must follow her 
own inclination entirely, but that her returning home was ab- 
solutely necessary ; and in this all the rest fully agreed—her 
mother, the Duke of Sussex, Miss Mercer, and Lady Charlotte 
Lindsay, for whom she had a great respect and regard. I 
said that, however painful it was for me, the necessity was so 
clear and so strong that I had not the least hesitation in ad- 
vising it. She again and again begged me to consider her 
situation, and to think whether, looking to that,it was abso- 
lutely necessary she should return. The day now began to 
dawn, and I took her to the window. The election of Coch- 
rane (after his expulsion owing to the sentence of the court, 
which both insured his re-election and abolished the Pillory) 
was to take place that day. I said, “Look there, madam: in. 
a few hours all the streets and the park, now empty, will be 
crowded with tens of thousands. I have only to take you to 
that window, and show you to the multitude, and tell them 
your grievances, and they will all rise in your behalf.” “And 
why should they not?” I think she said, or some such 
words. “The commotion,” I answered, “ will be EXCESSIVE 5 
Carlton House will be attacked—perhaps pulled down; the 
soldiers will be ordered out; blood will be shed; and if your 
royal highness were to live a hundred years, it never would 
be forgotten that your rumning away from your father’s 
house was the cause of the mischief: and you may depend 
upon it, such is the English people’s horror of bloodshed, you 
never would get over it.” She at once felt the truth of my 
assertion, and consented to see her uncle Frederick (the 
Duke of York) below stairs, and return with him. But she 
required one of the royal carriages should be sent for, which 
came with her governess, and they with the Duke of York 
went home about five o’clock.* Before she went, however, 
she desired me to make a minute of her declaration that she 
was resolved not to marry the Prince of Orange, and that if 
ever there should be an announcement of such a match, it 





* See a reference to this scene in ‘‘ Contributions to the Edinburgh Re- 
view,” by Henry, Lord Brougham, vol. i., p. 470, article George IV. and 
Queen Caroline.” —Edinburgh Review, October, 1838, 

Hed 


178 THE PRINCESS OF WALES [1s14. 


must be understood to be without her consent and against 
her will. She added, “I desire Augustus” (Duke of Sussex) 
“and Mr. Brougham would particularly take notice of this.” 
When I had made the note, it was read distinctly and signed 
by all present, she signing first, and six copies were made and 
signed, and one given to each person present. Her positive 
injunction was, that if ever we heard the match announced as 
being to proceed, we should make her declaration in the note 
public. What had passed was in substance known to the re- 
gent, and put an end to all further attempts to bring about 
the marriage. It soon got out that the affair was effectually 
stopped, and the talk in the clubs was, “ Young Princy has 
thrown over the Frog ”—alluding to the name given to the 
Dutchman by Swift, and to the name used to describe the 
princess and her mother, arising from an old pleasantry of 
the prince, who used to be much a visitor at Mrs. Orde’s (af- 
terwards Mrs. Creevey) ; and being very kind to the children, 
he used to make them call him Princy. So the term “ Moth- 
er,” or “Mrs. Princy,” came afterwards to be used for the 
princess, and Young Princy for her daughter. 

The regent never forgave the Duke of Sussex for the part 
he took in this affair, and charged him, most unjustly, with 
having contributed to break off the match, in which he had 
really no kind of share, except from the accident of his dining 
in the neighborhood of Connaught Place, and being asked to 
come on the wholly unexpected occasion of the Princess 
Charlotte going to her mother’s house, which he could not by 
any possibility have foreseen; and it is quite certain that he 
never had any communication, on any subject, with her before 
that night, from the terms on which he was with her mother. 
But the regent mixed him up with the whole refusal to mar- 
ry; and having assembled all the family, he gave them warn- 
ing that they must choose between him and the duke. All, 
except the Duke of Gloucester, yielded to this threat. He 
very manfully refused to give up the Duke of Sussex, and the 
penalty was not enforced of the regent’s displeasure; for he 
soon after married his favorite sister, Princess Mary, and ever 
after enjoyed his share of his favor.* } 





* The Duke of Gloucester, nephew of George III., married his cousin, the 
Princess Mary, daughter of George ITI. 


aT. 36. | AND* THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE. 179 


Cochrane (Dundonald) in his Autobiography has stated 
that it was the Duke of Sussex who appealed to the Princess 
Charlotte, by referring to the crowd which would cover the 
streets at the election, and that she expressed her hope of 
Cochrane being returned, and her disapproval of his sentence. 
For this dream of the duke (if he was the relater of it) there 
is not the shadow of a foundation. He had no conversation 
whatever with her but in presence of the rest of the com- 
pany; and the account which I have here given was in every 
essential particular published before the duke’s death, and was 
read by him before it was published. He made one or two 
trifling corrections, especially as to his having only been the 
channel of communication in the case of Lady Douglas; and 
to gratify him I adopted them, as they did not alter material- 
ly what had been written. The Duke of Sussex thought it 
necessary to bring before the House of Lords the treatment 
of the Princess Charlotte, and was desirous as was the prin- 
cess herself, to interest Lord Grey in this proceeding. But I 
told them that he certainly would not take a forward part in 
it, as I knew from his having highly approved of my declin- 
ing last year to send him a communication from the princess, 
and of his having lately expressed his great reluctance to take 
any active part in the Orange match. I said, however, that I 
was perfectly confident he would take the right course in 
Parliament if the question was brought forward, which he 
very probably thought would be of no benefit to the Princess 
Charlotte, and he would advise the Duke of Sussex not to 
move init. I thereupon wrote as follows to Lord Grey: 

\ 
TO EARL GREY. 
“* July 18, 1814. 

“My pear Lorp Gruy,—Having a good deal to say, I 
make no preface. Last night, between nine and ten, being 
summoned in great haste to the Princess of Wales’s, I went 
instantly. Being sleepy, I napped the whole way, and on ar- 
riving half-awake entered the room and saw strange faces. 
One ran up to me, took me by the hand, and said she was 
glad to see me, naming me. I found it was the Princess 
Charlotte, who said, ‘I have just run off.’ Miss Mercer on 
a chair near. I got quite awake now, and desired immedi- 


180 THE PRINCESS OF WALES [18i4. 


ately the particulars from her and Miss Mercer, which I 
wrote down. They are as follows: The prince, at six o’clock, 
entered her room, and said: ‘ Your establishment here is at 
an end; to-night you sleep at Carlton House. Miss Knight 
and all your servants are dismissed. She and every one 
about you are the scandal of the whole town. Your new es- 
tablishment is all ready at Carlton House, and consists of 
Lady Ilchester, Lady Rosslyn, two Miss Coates’s, and Mrs. 
Campbell’ (whom he had turned off for Nott’s affair, and 
abused bitterly). ‘You shall see no one, especially Lady 
Jersey and Miss Rawdon.’ She was greatly alarmed, ran 
into Miss Mercer’s room (who was dressing), and while there 
a knock came: she said,‘I have but a moment; I will go to 
my mother’s.’ She rushed out of the house alone, got into 
a hackney-coach, promised a large reward if driven so as to 
escape, and arrived at Connaught House. The princess was 
out of town airing; she sent after her and brought her back. 

“After she left Warwick House the prince came to Miss 
Mercer, and learned she was gone—ordered his Cabinet, with 
Adam and Ellenborough, to be called; spoke to Miss Mercer, 
saying he would say nothing till they came (you know his 
cowardice, and always throwing his bad cards on them), but 
asked Miss Mercer to go with the Bishop of Salisbury. She 
said, ‘Do you give me authority to ask her to come back?’ 
He said, ‘ No; I say nothing till the ministers come. How- 
ever, she got at last. authority to demand unconditional sub- 
mission. The bishop, after considering, said, ‘I will venture 
to go with you;’ so they arrived. They had sent a proposal 
through him to the prince before I came; and soon after my 
arrival the bishop returned with an answer. ‘That Eldon 
and Ellenborough having shown the ministers the prince’s 
rights, they were all stout, and demanded unconditional sur- 
render and no terms.’ I then said (the bishop was kept in 
another room) that as they knew their rights, it was my 
duty, however painful, to inform the princess how the matter 
stood, and that it was in vain to deny that the prince had her 
wholly in his hands. I reminded her of all I had said and 
written on this two years ago, and assured her in a very per- 
emptory tone that the only question was, whether she would 
go with good-will or be forced from hence by Ellenborough’s 


ZT. 33.] AND THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE. 181 


habeas corpus, which I knew he would grant. She was af- 
fected beyond description. I have told many a client he was 
going to be convicted, but I never saw any thing like her 
stupefaction : for a quarter of an hour she was lost, But I 
then made her write a letter to the prince, giving them a 
loophole, and offering to return, but requesting assurances of. 
seeing Miss Mercer and keeping Miss Rawdon. I also sent 
for the Duke of Sussex, whom they had named in their first 
letter. He came, and offered to do any thing he could or I 
desired. Miss Knight was also sent to see the prince, and at 
least the ministers. She could only see the latter, and came 
back; nothing but war. | 

“ However, the bishop gave assurance Miss Mercer should 
see her, and that her maid (Lewis) should be kept. 

“At length, at three, came in the prince’s coach, and with 
his servants, the Duke of York. He was taken to a room 
alone, and she and Miss Mercer went to him. I made them 
tell him all that had passed, and claim his assistance. He 
said his orders were only to bring her back, and make no 
terms. She demanded access to her friends ; he said he had 
no powers. She demanded his promise to do what he could ; 
he gave it. But he would neither take Miss Mercer nor Miss 
Knight with him, and her maid (who had come with her 
things) was with difficulty allowed. So she went, after I had 
given her all manner of advice and encouragement; and Miss 
Mercer wrote a note to the new lady-in-waiting to see the 
princess by her orders, which was to be sent this morning. I 
have heard no more. \ 

“In all this the worst is that Baillie has certified in writing 
her health to require sea-bathing. The prince says he is not 
convinced of it, and will send her to Cranbourne Lodge, to 
coop her up. Baillie to-day told the old princess that if her 
mind is thus agitated he won’t answer for it not proving 
most dangerous to her health! I doubt if ever there was 
such base profligacy. I should have added that every scrap 
of paper in her possession, on an alarm the day before, was 
carried away to the Duke of Sussex’s. 

“ Now all this is well enough hitherto, but something must 
be done. She says she never will marry the Prince of Orange: 
she vowed it to me in the most solemn way, and gave me au- 


182 THE PRINCESS OF WALES [1814 


thority to say so in her name. Nowa conversation on her 
treatment in the House of Commons will do infinite good, 
and I am just going to put Tierney on it, and make him, find 
a fit impartial person. But my plan is this, that the Dukes 
of Kent, Sussex, and Gloucester should remonstrate first with 
the ministers, they having been consulted, and then in their 
place in Parliament. It is the only way: they have weight 
in the country, and it is a public as well as family affair. 

“T orieve that you are absent, and can’t help thinking that, 
if time is given for it, you should come up, in case matters 
are pushed to extremities. It is impossible to deny that the 
greatest praise is due to the old princess for her whole be- 
havior and conduct. She gave no selfish advice, but took her 
daughter’s part entirely, and came into all that was thought 
best for her, though her own case might have been bettered 
otherwise. Miss Mercer behaved admirably also; and though 
the prince counts upon her plainly, and thinks her in his in- 
terest, Iam sure she is only attached to the Princess Char- 
lotte, who herself behaved in a way to raise her in my esti- 
mation extremely. She showed much firmness, but the great- 
est sensibility and good feeling. I had no idea of her having 
so much good in her. I had forgot to say that Miss Mercer 
desired me to say she does not write to you because she 
trusts to me doing so, and is unwell and fatigued. 

“ The thing is buzzed over town, of course, and was so last 
night, and all are against the prince. 

“Yours ever, ishist 

“ Of course we can’t wait for your commands; but at all 
events say what occurs, because possibly it may be in time to 
alter what might be done amiss.” 


TO EARL GREY. so 
‘¢ Eaton Socon, July 21, 1814. 
“Dear Lorp Grey,—Before leaving town I had much 
intercourse with our various friends, and some communica- 
tion with Miss Mercer by letter, as well as constant commu- 
nication with the Duke of Sussex. I have also observed and 
heard a great deal of the public feeling; the result is, that, 
on the whole, I should not be sorry if the question stood over 
as it now is. Nothing can be better, and I am clear a discus- 


AT, 36. ] AND THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE, 183 


sion will rather make the treatment (at least) appear weaker. 
The marriage part of it might certainly gain. There is a 
good ground for hanging it over their heads, and I have beg- 
ged the Duke of Sussex to use it thus in case you don’t come. 
He may say that the ministers having acknowledged their re- 
sponsibility, and the formation of an establishment requiring 
a little time, he defers the motion till the beginning of next 
session, in the hopes of their acting in the interval so as to 
%meet the universal wish of the country. The motion is put 
off (meanwhile) to Wednesday, to give time for hearing your 
pleasure, by which it will be regulated. You can either write 
to Lord Rosslyn or the Duke of Sussex ; and according to 
your letter it will be fixed for Friday, or put off as above. 
The chief reasons that make me desire this arrangement are, 
* the vast impression our questions haye made—as one proof, 
see the ‘Times’ wheeling round suddenly, as it did in the 
Princess of Wales’s case; but it is quite general and strong 
—and next, the fear of mischief happening if active measures 
are taken when neither you nor myself are there. Indeed, 
your absence is decisive—our friends, many of them, being 
wavering, to say the least. The conduct of some is without 
excuse — Lauderdale so zealous for Carlton House that he 
took the regular ministerial ground of requiring explanation 
and notice! He was properly licked by Holland, notwith- 
standing Lady Holland’s violence against the young princess, 
for no reason that I can divine except personal spite towards 
me. 

“Upon the whole, every thing is well at present, and may 
be kept so and improved by prudent management. The press 
quite right and zealous. One word on Westminster before I 
conclude. They begin now to throw the blame on George 
Ponsonby and Whitbread, who, without having seen the evi- 
dence, and ignorant of the whole subject, had the incredible 
folly to blame the counsel for not calling the witnesses! The 
history of presumption offers no greater instance. We had 
too good reasons for not calling them; and were I to-morrow 
to conduct it, I should, after the benefit of their advice, still 
refuse to call any one of them, and so would all the profes- 
sion. Adieu. Yours ever, H. Brouguam.” 


184 THE PRINCESS OF WALES [1814. 


The following is an extract from a letter I received from 
Lady Charlotte Lindsay: 


‘“ Connaught House, July 12, 1814, midnight. 
“The Bishop of Salisbury requested an audience of the 
- Princess of Wales, who went to him attended by Lady Char- 
lotte Lindsay. The bishop said that he earnestly hoped that 
her royal highness would advise Princess Charlotte to return 
to her father. The Princess of Wales replied, Certainly, and 
that Princess Charlotte was ready to return. She only hoped 
to be permitted to retain Miss Knight, and not to be de- 
prived of the satisfaction of seeing her friends. The bishop 
then said that this gave him great pleasure. The conversa- 
tion ended here. ) Cuar.LoTTe Linpsay.” 


TO EARL GREY. 
“July 19, 1814. 

“Dear Lorp Grey,—lI received your excellent and satis- 
factory letter. I was sure you were game ; and indeed I 
verily believe, had you been here, you (if not I also, encour- 
aged by you) would have lodged in the Tower. I at first 
thought your coming necessary; for it would be a tie of 
friendship with her never to be broken or forgotten, and it 
would be most material to the proceeding. 

“TI now tell you what this is—and I take the whole respon- 
sibility, neither Whitbread nor any other being having inter- 
fered, and the Duke of Sussex only consulting Romilly after 
it was begun and in progress, who fully concurred. The 
Duke of Sussex was evidently the man for the service, and 
the Lords the place. 

“He instantly assented, and on Sunday sent a letter to 
Lord Liverpool, asking to see her; and if not, saying he 
should move in the house yesterday or to-day. 

“Answer— The regent has read the letter, and gives no 
commands.’ To-day the duke is gone down to the House to 
put five questions which I have just given him—viz, : 

“1. Does she see her friends as usual? 

“9. Does she write and receive letters, and has she pen, 
ink, and paper? 

“ 3, Is she under the restraints generally of actual impris 
onment ? 





- 


AT. 36.] AND THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE. 185 


“4, Did not the physicians last year, as this, advise the sea 
as necessary for recovery of her complaints, by writing under 
their hands ? 

“And, 5. She being much above the age when the law has 
repeatedly recognized her as fit to govern, has any step been 
taken towards an establishment necessary for her rank, and 
the part she will soon have to perform? 

“Lord Jersey could not go to him, for luckily one part of 
our case is, that Lord Jersey has Adam’s letter, saying noth- 
ing particular towards her is intended, but that all corre- 
spondence is interdicted. 

“Tf no answer is given, he gives a notice for Friday. 

“Tn great haste. - Yours ever, . H. Brovenam. 

“We have a solemn minute, by Princess Charlotte’s desire, 
to be used by me to show the match is off forever.” 


TO EARL GREY. 
**York, July 24, 1814. 

“Dzar Lorp Grey,—I am sorry I did not see you as you 
passed Ferrybridge, I being at Michael Taylor’s. 

“"rhe Duke of Sussex will do exactly as he is bid ; but the 
most material point is to combat stoutly the idea of its being 
a private matter. The Crown has the disposal and superin- 
tendence of the family. Granted. But in what capacity ? 
As father? No such thing. The case in 1718 relied on by 
the adversary proves the very reverse; it is as Crown, and 
to the exclusion of the natural father. This is an irresistible 
argument, and it leads to the unavoidable inference that the 
Crown only exercises the superintendence as an act of state, 
and through responsible servants. Peace and war, treaties, 
etc., are matters left to the Crown, as better able to deal with 
them than the Legislature; so of every other branch of the 
executive. But do we say that these are not matters of state ? 
No. The care of the family is better in the hands of the 
Crown. But has the state no interest in the exercise of such 
a trust? Who else, constitutionally speaking, has any inter- 
est? The idea of its being a family or domestic affair is 
completely negatived by the law itself, which (as declared by 
the judges in 1718) takes. the care out of the hands of the fa- 
ther himself, and gives it to the king for the time being, who 


186 THE PRINCESS OF WALES - [1814. 


may be a distant relation. What, then, becomes of the trash 
about interfering between father. and daughter? Why, again, 
is the princess to be treated as a state criminal? Why are 
we to have a queen so brought up? Out of Turkey is there / 
any thing so barbarous ? 
“T wish you would keep one thing in view as far as regards 
the share I have had in the business, viz., that Iam very ad-  { 
verse to the idea of skulking, or keeping. in the background. / 
I am answerable for the advice I gave; and in this, .s as Neth 
as every part of the affairs of both. princesses, I never said / 
word, or prevented a step, or advised one, that I am not pr. Fe 
par ed to avow. This was my language through the whole cof 
the mother’s business, and I always desir ed Whitbr ead to a at 
for me accordingly. He uniformly avoided this, I believe, 
partly from thinking it better for me, partly from a monopo- 
lizing spirit; and I have been much injured by the air of in- \ 
triguing and playing in the background which it gives me. 
I have been much better pleased to appear ¢his time in the \ | 
front of the battle. Yours ever, H. Broueuam. 
“T am going to set Peter Plymiey on them.* Now is his | 
time. I only fear he may be lazy. But I mean to get Prin- 
cess Charlotte to ask it if I fail; and that, I know, will do.” 


Lord Grey, in the following letter, in which he explains his | 
reasons for making the Duke of Sussex give up his motion, 
gives a very incorrect account of his own speech, which was | |, 
excellent: + i (} 


FROM LORD GREY. 


‘*Portman Square, Tuesday, July 26,1814. 
“My pear Brovcnam,—lI arrived early yesterday morn- 
ing, and soon found that nothing was to be done; our friends f 
either timid, much disinclined, or strongly aeainst, Among 
the last particularly Lauderdale and Lord Spencer, Lord jo 
Grenville had been written to: answered that he would not 
come, or if he did, it would only be to deprecate so improper | 








* Sydney Smith. Hi 

+ On the motion of the Duke of Sussex, that the order for summoning the | 
Lords, on the affairs of the Princess Charlotte, be discharged. —Hansard, is- 
p. 835, } 
t 

j 


ZT, 36. ] AND THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE. 187 


a discussion. Rosslyn, on whose opinion I depended most, 
was convinced that nothing good was to be hoped from the 
motion, and much mischief to be apprehended. The case, too, 
in appearance at least, was much altered. The papers an- 
nounced the princess’s daily rides in Windsor Park. On 
Saturday she had come to town to see her mother. Miss 
Mercer was actually at Cranbourne. The certificate of the 
physicians which recommended the sea in the autwmn, it was 
publicly announced, was to be complied with. The bishop 
was prepared with statements of the prince’s kindness to his 
daughter, and of des scenes larmoyantes between them, quite 
touching. In short, he was ready to say any thing, and the 
Duke of York to support him. Above all, the Duke of Sus- 
sex was preparing to go into a full statement of the case, pri- 
vate letters and all, in a way that I think would have been 
fatal, particularly on the point on which I must confess that 
the princess is vulnerable, and in which it is known he was 
the instigator; namely, the time and manner of breaking off 
her marriage. Under all these difficulties I think I could have 
had the best of the argument, but I should have nobody in re- 
serve to support me; and to do justice to the case, I must 
have betrayed an intimate acquaintance with all the transac- 
tions from the beginning, which, if they had known how to 
use it, would of itself have furnished a new charge against the 
princess, and particularly against Miss Knight; and the chan- 
eellor was not a man to overlook such an advantage. 

“ Under all these circumstances I could not doubt that the 
best thing was to get the Duke of Sussex to put off the mo- 
tion, giving as his reason the appearance of the situation—of 
the Princess Charlotte being better, his hope that it would be- 
come what it ought to be, and his desire not to risk that hope, 
while it could exist, by any proceeding on his part which 
might produce irritation. This he did very well—and an- 
swered by Liverpool very moderately, with the exception of a 
passage at the end about the prince’s parental attention. Of 
this I took notice; said we had nothing to do in that House 
with the sovereign, but with his advisers, which they avowed 
themselves to be on this subject, and that without going into 
a discussion which I thought it best, under all circumstances, 
to avoid. I could only say that it would be difficult to con- 


188 THE PRINCESS OF WALES [1814. 


vince me that the situation of the Princess Charlotte had been 
such as was compatible with what Lord Liverpool had said. 
With this I concluded, having introduced it by avowing my- 
self as the adviser of the Duke of Sussex’s withdrawing the 
motion—not from any feeling of its impropriety ; on the con- 
trary, that I felt strongly upon the subject, and knew that the 
public took a deep interest init; not from admitting that 
such a subject was improper to be discussed, whatever might 
be said of the delicacy of interfering with private matters, 
when these were connected with an important public interest, 
and a sufficient case was made out that it was the right and 
duty of Parliament to interfere, and the education and treat- 
ment of the heir of the crown was emphatically a case of that 
description ;—but because, from present appearances, I would 
hope that such interference might not be necessary, and that 
conciliation, while such a hope ‘could be entertained, ought to 
be the object of every body. All this I see Perry has omitted, 
and given an account that is quite provoking. However, I 
must acknowledge that I did not consider the thing well, for 
my head was confused with the eternal rattle and motion of 
the chaise for three days; but I am sure I said what I have 
related in substance. I felt uneasy about it afterwards, but 
Rosslyn assures me that I sufficiently supported both the 
Princess Charlotte and the Duke of Sussex. The Chancellor 
answered me. He looked fire and fury; but he did nothing, 
and only said that the proceedings in Parliament had had no 
effect on the princess’s treatment—an assertion which will 
perhaps tend rather to confirm than to rebut the opinion of 
which he seemed to be afraid. 

“Upon the whole, and after a night’s reflection, I am con- 
vinced that the best thing has been done under all the circum- 
stances; that we have more advantage from public opinion 
now than we should have had after a debate; and that ifa 
future agitation of this question should be necessary, J shall 
come forward with more effect,from the disposition I have 
now shown to forbear. If all our friends had been as stout 
as Thanet, the case would have been different; but he is liter- 
ally the only person I have seen whose feelings were up to the 
mark, 

“The prince’s health I believe to be very bad. THe certain- 


aT. 36.] AND THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE. 189 


ly was very ill the beginning of last week: his nerves are not 
equal to the rejoicings for which so much money has been 
spent, and it is said he means to go out of town: the hooting, 
hissing, and abuse of the queen (there was no form of re- 
proach that did not assail her ears), which was more violent 
and alarming than ever, the other night in her way to Carlton 
House, have probably had their effect. It was so bad that 
the prince ordered all his aids-de-camp to attend her chair 
home in the morning. 

“JT have just got your letter. It is, as this will have in- 
formed you, too late for any discussion, but the line of argu- 
ment is exactly what I meant to have followed on the public 
part of the question, and which I pointed out, as far as in such 
a discussion it was possible to do so, in what I said last night. 

“T shall go back on Thursday with all speed, as I left the 

poor boy very ill. ay 

“Pray write to me, and tell me you are not very much 
mortified and disappointed by this lame and impotent conclu- 
sion; for I confess I rather feel like a fool in having taken 
such a journey, and made such an appearance at the end of it. 

“Write to Howick, and do come and see us if you can. 

“ Ever yours, Grey.” 


It may easily be supposed that, whatever might be pre- 
tended or promised, the Princess Charlotte’s treatment con- 
tinued as bad as before the scene at Connaught Place. The 
following from Lord Grey shows the information he had re- 
ceived, and which was fully confirmed by all that came to my 
knowledge: 


FROM LORD GREY.—(LZxtiact.) 
** Saturday. 
“My pEAR Brouenam,—lI have not heard from Miss Mer- 
cer since I wrote to you. I believe I forgot to add to the list 
of cruelties in my last that Princess Charlotte’s allowance has 
not been paid since she left Warwick House, and that she has 
been obliged to sell part of her diamonds to pay tradesmen 
who were distressed for their money, and some pensions to 
poor people who have no other support. .... 
“ Kver yours, Gera 


a 


190 THE PRINCESS OF WALES [1814. 


At the same time I received from Miss Mercer a letter, 
from which the following is an extract: 

“T know of no new grievances, but all the old ones con- 
tinue. What she complains most of is, that one of the la- 
dies is obliged either to sleep in the room with her, or in the 
next with the door open, and that many of her letters have 
been kept back—all, excepting mine, are sent to be examined 
at Carlton House, and every parcel she gets is opened first, 
and rummaged by the ladies-in-waiting. Yours sincerely.” 


The presents alluded to in the following letter from the 
Princess Charlotte’s most confidential friend, were what I had 
announced that my friend Prince Czartoryski wished to ask 
that he might hope she would condescend to accept. They 
consisted of Polish embellishments connected with different 
books of great value, and having inscriptions formed of small 
engraved stones of great rarity, which were according to our 
alphabet, and the inscriptions were read by that alphabet. I 
have no doubt that my friend Prince Czartoryski, and those 
of his suite—one of whom, Count Sierakowski, came to 
Brougham—entertained hopes of the young princess receiv- 
ing a favorable impression of their cause, in support of which 
I had lately prepared a tract in concurrence with them, and 
circulated very extensively, under the title of “An Appeal to 
the Allies on behalf of Poland.”* It had been presented to 
the Princess Charlotte. 

The following letter is from Lady Charlotte Lindsay : 


“* Sunday. 

“ Many thanks for both your letters, which I should have 
answered immediately, but when I have nothing particular to 
say, I do not like to be too troublesome. You will be glad to 
hear that I have had a long letter from Lord G., and that he 
is better, but he does not say a word about coming to town. 
La belle prisonniere is fully aware of the necessity of being 
prudent and quiet, and your opinion has at all times so much 





* An appeal to the Allies and the English Nation on behalf of Poland. 
London, 1814. Reviewed in the Edinburgh Review, No. XLIV., art. iii. 


ZT. 56. ] AND THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE. 191 


weight with her, that I have no doubt she will follow your | 
advice strictly in this instance. She is, however, very uneasy 
at the idea of her mother’s return; for if it is occasioned by 
her letters and entreaties, she feels it will be a sad reward for 
this sacrifice to her interest, to find that all intercourse be- 
tween them will be immediately put a stop to, and that her 
return is only to be greeted with fresh insults and mortifica- 
tions. It really is a very painful and embarrassing situation ; 
and should those letters be shown that you forwarded (which 
is more than likely), there will be no bounds, I am convinced, 
to the regent’s rage. She has been strictly questioned lately 
relative to her former communications with the Duke of Sus- 
sex, and if she authorized the step he took last year in Parlia- 
ment. This, of course, she denied, further than its origina- 
ting from their meeting at her mother’s; and on the whole, 
she got through the conference very well; but I hope these 
interrogations will not be renewed, as I think they are dan- 
gerous. 

“‘T believe she has sent a message to explain what passed 
to the Duke of Sussex, by the Duke of Kent, which was very 
right, and I hope will not be misrepresented. I have told her 
of the attention of your Polish friends, with which I am sure 
she will be much flattered, but the music must come through 
the Dragons, if it comes at all; pray send the letter. I think 
the best way would be to forward the parcel at once to one 
of her ladies, who will name it to the regent, and then she will 
get it immediately. I wish you were not so perverse and so 
coquettish about coming into Parliament. I give you no credit 
for either your ambition or your politics being on the decline. 
Have you heard of a quarrel between the prince and the chan- 
cellor about divorcing the princess? It is said at Windsor 
that the chancellor has sent in his resignation in consequence, 

“ Yours very sincerely, C. Linpsay.” 


It might well be thought likely that objection would be 
made to the Princess Charlotte receiving these Polish presents 
without their passing through Carlton House, when, a few 
weeks before, Lady Jersey having sent her some, an order was 
given that the princess should receive nothing from Lady Jer- 
sey, unless it was first sent to the prince, and through him, if 


192 THE PRINCESS OF WALES [1814. 


he pleased, to his daughter. Possibly this rigor might be de- 
fended; but what must be allowed to be wholly inexcusable, 
was the order that the princess should herself desire Lady Jer- 
sey to send every thing she might wish to give her to the re- 
gent, and tell that falsehood of declaring that it was her own 
wish to have this course pursued. 


ZT, 06. ] _ AND THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE. 193 


CHAPTER XIV. 


THE PRINCESS OF WALES AND THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE 
—(Continued). 

The Princess Charlotte. —Her Character, Capacity, and Pursuits. —Anecdotes. 
—Queen Charlotte and the Princess Caroline. —The Question of the Prin- 
cess Caroline going abroad.—Imprudence of the Step.—Letter of Remon- 
strance against it.—Reception of the Remonstrance.—Carlton House. Poli- 
tics. —Correspondence with Lord Grey. —Constitutional Position of a Queen- 
consort.—Jury Trial in Scotland.—The Prince and Government.—Pat- 
ronage at the Scotch Bar.—The Princess Charlotte and her Household.— 
Departure of the Princess Caroline. —The Press on her Affairs. —Policy of 
the ‘‘ Times.” : 


’ Tur Princess Charlotte was a person of great abilities, tol- 
erably well cultivated. She had her mother’s quickness, but 
with more habitual reflection and more deliberate judgment; 
and she inherited her resolute courage and determination of 
character. Her temper was somewhat violent and irascible, 
and her preceptors had failed in taming it. When a mere 
child, she was desired by one of them (I think the bishop) to 
pause before she spoke when any thing irritated her, and it 
was recommended that she should say the Lord’s Prayer. It 
used to be said that she was sometimes heard to run over it 
with such haste as to make it unintelligible, in order to give 
her feelings vent. There can be no doubt that, with his ex- 
treme discretion and good temper, and the perfect affection 
prevailing between them, Prince Leopold succeeded in remov- 
ing the only defect that was ever imputed to her. From her 
mother she inherited another great quality, besides her cour- 
age—she was free from any thing mean, or spiteful, or re- 
vengeful, in an extraordinary degree. She was entirely with- 
out affectation or pretense; she had no pride; her manners 
were natural and playful; her affections were warm and con- 
stant. Her attachment to her mother resisted all attempts 
which were made by art or violence (for both were used) to 
Vor. I.—I 


194r THE PRINCESS OF WALDS [1814. 


alter or lessen it. Their tastes were similar; both were fond 
of reading and of the arts, especially sculpture, in which the 
young princess had considerable excellence. There was a 
story in circulation that she had formed an attachment; I be- 
lieve it was put about by the prince’s friends, and those of 
the Prince of Orange, to account for her refusing him. It 
was quite groundless, the only color for it being that she had 
frequently met at her mother’s Captain Hesse, a very clever 
and spirited young man, afterwards killed in a duel at Paris; 
and she had been greatly struck with his manners and con- 
versation, as every one was. It was one of the many calum- 
nies against her mother circulated by Carlton House, that she 
had encouraged a flirtation with Hesse in order to defeat the 
Prince of Orange. Another of the calumnies charged the 
mother herself with a fancy for Hesse, he having been for 
some time in her household at Naples. 

It was one of the great misfortunes of this admirable and 
amiable young woman, that, besides the enmity of her father, 
she from her earliest years had to struggle with the hatred of 
the old queen, which never ceased to annoy her, and certainly 
was communicated to several of the princesses, her daughters. 

It was most unfortunate that, soon after the scene in July, 
and the prohibition of all attention, even the most ordinary 
courtesy, from the allied sovereigns, the Princess of Wales, 
wearied out, as she said, by constant ill-treatment—and de- 
barred from all intercourse with her daughter more strictly 
in consequence of what had occurred—resolved to go abroad, 
at first only intending to travel for a few months, but which 
she extended to several years. Her daughter was extremely 
averse to this plan; indeed the only difference I ever knew 
between them was upon this, and it amounted almost to a 
quarrel. She urged me to use my influence against it. She 
had no occasion to press me, for I, as well as Whitbread, re- 
garded the step as full of danger. We remonstrated strongly 
against it. I addressed a letter to her, solemnly warning her 
of the risks she was to run. I said that as long as she and 
her daughter remained in this country, surrounded by their 
friends, and by English men and English women, and having 
our laws to protect them, I would answer for their safety with 
my head; but that it was altogether another thing if she went, 


AT. 36.] AND THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE. 195° 


as she intended, to Italy. Seeing she was persisting in her 
plan, I once more wrote to her: 


TO THE PRINCESS OF WALES. 
‘York, July 30, 1814. 

“ Mapam,—I humbly presume to address your royal high- 
ness once more before your departure, in the hope that my 
most earnest and anxious advice may be listened to, and may 
be the means of preventing incalculable mischief both to your 
royal highness and to the Princess Charlotte. Your royal 
highness is aware of the strong opinion which I have always 
held upon the subject of your departure from this country. 
It is now, I fear, too late to renew the discussion ; but I should 
betray my duty most shamefully if I did not implore your 
royal highness to take especial care, even in appearance, to 
avoid any arrangements which may look like the forerunner 
of a long absence. I know your royal highness can only in- 
tend to pay a visit to the Continent, and make a tour there— 
any thing else would indeed be full of danger; but the reports 
already so industriously spread of a permanent change of resi- 
dence, and so eagerly caught at by your royal highness’s ene- 
mies and those of the Princess Charlotte, clearly show the 
absolute necessity of avoiding whatever may tend to encour- 
age such rumors. Depend upon it, madam, there are many 
persons who now begin to see a chance of divorcing your 
royal highness from the prince. I speak plainly, because it is 
necessary for your own safety and your daughter’s succession 
to the crown that your royal highness should hear the truth, 
and look upon danger in the face. As long as you remain in 
this country I will answer for it that no plot can succeed 
against you. But if you are living abroad, and surrounded 
by the base spies and tools who will be always planted about 
you, ready to invent and to swear as they may be directed, 
who can pretend to say what may happen, especially after your 
absence shall have lessened the number and weakened the zeal 
of your friends? Already symptoms of this kind appear 
wherever I go. Your journey is loudly disapproved of; and 
your adversaries reckon very confidently on your being speedi- 
ly the object.of much popular outcry. Think, I beseech you, 
madam, of the situation of your royal highness should any 


196 THE PRINCESS OF WALES [1814. 


new attempts be made, after time shall have been given to 
stir up these feelings and turn the public voice against you. 
I will go no farther. I declare I do not see how a proposi- 
tion hostile to your royal highness’s marriage could be re- 
sisted if you continued living abroad; for let it be remem- 
bered that, legally speaking, the succession,will be endangered 
by such a residence; and they who now take good care not 
to prevent such a risk will be very glad to avail themselves 
of its existence hereafter. Never let your royal highness for- 
get that in England spies and false witnesses can do nothing; 
abroad, every thing may be apprehended from them. Per- 
haps, madam, I take a stronger view of this subject at the 
present moment from the circumstance of your royal high- 
ness’s enemies being so active and so sanguine all of a sudden. 
You alone can frustrate their exertions and their expectations; 
and there is’ but one way of doing so—by making your stay 
short. Above all, madam, do not flatter yourself that it will 
be time enough to return when you sce steps taken against 
you. The blow will come without any warning, as soon as 
the public feeling is prepared for it; and when I speak of its 
involving your royal highness and the Princess Charlotte in 
destruction, I mean to say that it will deprive your royal 
highness of every kind of support, and make your daughter’s 
succession more than doubtful. I entreat your excuse, mad- 
am, for the freedom with which I have presumed to speak. 
I am s0 entirely devoted to the service of your royal highness 
and the Princess Charlotte (which I deem the cause of the 
country), that I would willingly risk even the displeasure of 
both to serve either; and I assure you most solemnly that I 
am not by any means singular in my fears upon the present 
occasion. I would fain be furnished with some formal pledge 
from your royal highness that you merely go for a visit or a 
tour, in order that I may feel authorized to contradict the re- 
ports already in circulation. But such contradiction will be 
all in vain if your royal highness, before going, shall make 
such arrangements as are preparatory to a permanent ab- 
sence. 

“T have the honor to be, with profound respect, Madam, 
your royal highness’s most devoted and dutiful servant, 

“HH. BroveuamM.” 


ZT, 36.] AND THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE. 197 


At this time I wrote as follows to Lord Grey: 


“York, July 29, 1814. 

“My pEear Lorp Grey,—I received your letter from Lon- 
don, and if you have by this time got the one I wrote to pre- 
vent you from coming to London, you will have perceived 
that I was clearly of opinion that the thing stood as well as 
possible, and that we ought to leave it there for the present, 
hanging the discussion over their heads till next session. 

“ As to your trip to London, it is no doubt a dove; and no 
one regrets it more than I do, having been the means of 
bringing you up. Yet I am clearly of opinion that your 
journey has done much good, both in encouraging and dis- 
heartening. Nothing short of it would have disconccrted the 
silly hopes the blind buzzards of Carlton House persist in 
cherishing, fortified, unhappily, by the unaccountable conduct 
of some of our friends. I happen to know that they reckon 
on the party generally being half inclined towards them, be- 
cause they are sure of L. being so. But the chief ground I 
rejoice for is, that the Princess Charlotte is supported and 
comforted, and that you have given a pledge and a proof 
never to be forgotten. 

* Well —this Canning-and-Ward movement is good! I 
suspect the latter looks to Staffordshire in the event of G. 
Leveson’s peerage. Believe me yours ever, Haba 


TO EARL GREY. 
** York, July 31, 1814. 

“ Dear Lorp Grey,-I send you the copy, or rather draft, 
of a letter which I have just sent to the Princess of Wales. 
It is a strong dose, but necessary. After making her abso- 
lutely furious for some time, it will do her a deal of good, 

“ T have before done my utmost as to this affair; but if any 
thing else strikes you as possible, pray say so, and Tr Il do it. 

«] go to-morrow to Seaton, and remain there till Saturday. 

“ Kver sincerely yours, H. Brovenam.” 


During the following months, from August till the end of 
the year, I wrote the following letters to Lord Grey, some 
before and others after my visit to Paris in September: 


198 THE PRINCESS OF WALES [1814. 


TO EARL GREY. 
‘Durham, August 9, 1814. 

“My pear Lorp Grey,—lI received yours at Seaton, and 
I hope you see the case en noir, though I own it is rather 
alarming. However, I lost no time in making the most of 
it, and wrote immediately. All will be in vain now, but it 
may help to bring her back. 

“T have got my answer to the letter I sent you a copy of. 
It is as follows—from Lady Charlotte Lindsay: 

“¢The princess got your letter this morning, and com- 
mands me to tell you that she is very much obliged to you 
for it. I have not seen it, but it really seems to me to have 
struck her very much. Although it may not make her change 
her determination of going abroad next Monday, it may in- 
duce her to hold herself in readiness to return upon any indi- 
cation of inimical designs from hence. She has written to 
Canning to desire him to tell Lord Liverpool that, if she 
hears any alarming reports from England, her return shall be 
immediate. Your letter has not offended her in the least, 
and has produced a much better effect than one Whitbread 
wrote a few days ago, which made her very angry. But 
nothing can stop her. I never saw so fixed a determination. 
The only good circumstance is her keeping her apartments at 
Kensington, with some of her servants in them. I shall also 
live there every now and then.’ 

“The feeling in favor of Princess Charlotte is everywhere 
I go very strong, and against the prince and court. I am 
most anxious about her health. If that survives, she must 
soon carry all her own way. 

“You have the circumstance of Canning and his friend G. 
Leveson being the only persons consulted by the princess— 
they having revised, if not advised, the letter, and Canning 
having carried it to Lord Liverpool. All this (and the above 
letter from Lady Charlotte Lindsay confirming it) shows my 
former belief, which I some time ago stated to you in Port- 
man Square, to be well founded—that they were selling her. 
You see the price is now paid. If they had given the same 
advice we did, she durst not have gone. But surely if ever a 
base and dirty piece of service was done by man, this is that 
service. Ever yours, H. Brovenam.” 


21, 36. ] AND THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE, 199 


TO EARL GREY. 
*¢ House of Commons, August 13, 1814. 

“Drar Lorp Grey,—I inclose in another cover a letter 
from the Princess of Wales to me, which she authorizes me 
to communicate to Princess Charlotte, to contradict the re- 
ports and lies of the prince regent. Pray send it through 
Miss Mercer. 

“JT return your copy of the other letter, which does not 
strike me as so bad. Princess Charlotte has written strongly, 
as you say, to her, and she has sent a soothing and explana- 
tory answer, pledging herself not to stay long away. 

“TJ shall be with you at dinner on Tuesday, or at farthest 
in the evening. Yours truly, H. Brovenam.” 


In September, 1814, there appeared a pamphlet, published 
by Ridgway, on the then important question of the constitu- 
tional character of the queen-consort. It was evidently writ- 
ten, if not by a lawyer, certainly by some one well versed in 
the constitutional history of our country, and with a very ac- 
curate knowledge of the important subject, which he dis- 
cussed with great calmness and propriety. This pamphlet 
gave me an opportunity, which I gladly seized, of writing a 
careful article in the “Edinburgh Review.” Although the 
time had neither arrived, nor even been anticipated, when 
such a subject was to have practical application, yet such 
discussions are always useful, not only to inform, but to pre- 
pare men’s minds for circumstances which recent events 
might in the course of time make of paramount importance. 

The part of the inquiry on which I took the most pains, 
was that relating to the analogy attempted to be set up be- 
tween the royal family and private families: it had been ab- 
surdly argued that the management of the members of the 
royal family was altogether the private concern of its head, 
and that it would be the height of indelicacy if any body in 
any way interfered. 

Between the family of a sovereign and the children of a 
subject there is nothing in common. The members of a 
royal, as compared with those of a private family, are by law 
debarred from feclings common to humanity, and from all 


200 THE PRINCESS OF WALES. [1814 


free action. They can not fall in love without the consent 
of the Crown; they may be over head and ears in that pas- 
sion, but it must remain a dead letter to them unless the sov- 
ereign in council permits its indulgence. The king for a wife 
must choose some Protestant princess he has never seen ; but 
this he must do for the sake of his people, and to secure a 
Protestant successor; and his heir comes into the world, not 
in the privacy of the domestic household, but in the presence 
of a crowd of the great officers of state. All the tender feel- 
ings engendered in the private family, all the closest relations 
of parent and child, must be disregarded as if they had no 
existence. Such is the penalty of the exalted rank, and the 
sacrifice royalty must make in return for the very inadequate 
compensation of power and dignity. 

The sovereign, as the executive branch of the Govern- 
ment, is also intrusted by the constitution with large discre- 
tionary powers in governing his family; but he is bound to 
exercise such powers not according to his own fancy, or for 
the gratification of his private feelings or individual caprices, 
but in such a manner as shall most conduce to the common 
weal. All the power he has, and every act he performs, is as 
sovereign, and not as a private person. 

Applying this, which is the true constitutional doctrine, to 
the questions then agitating the public mind, in reference to 
the treatment the presumptive heiress of the crown had been 
receiving from her father and sovereign, and more especial- 
ly as to any arrangement which should send her out of the 
country, I held invariably the same language, and upon it 
founded all my communications and advice to the princess 
and her mother. On this subject also I wrote as follows to 
Lord Grey : 

TO EARL GREY. 
‘‘ Brougham, September 20, 1814. 

“Drar Lorp Grey,—The pamphlet is called ‘Some In- 
quiry into the Constitutional Character of Queen-Consort,’ 
published by Ridgway. I have sent mine to Edinburgh, oth- 
erwise I should have inclosed it in covers. I have done a 
long article on the general subject, and especially to annihilate 
the doctrine of ‘private matter, ‘family concern, etc.* I 





* ¢¢ Rdinbugh Review,” No. XLVI., art. x, 


aT. 37.] CORRESPONDENCE. 201 


make my approaches so gradually that it can give no offense ; 
but the risks, constitutionally speaking, of the presumptive 
heiress surrounded by those next in succession—viz., Dukes 
of York and Cumberland (he having issue)—is pretty plainly 
put. I have desired the sheets to be sent up, and shall send 
you them. 

“This arrangement for Adam is the most glaring job by 
far that has ever yet been done.* I must put you up to it; 
and although I am sure no man likes Adam better privateta) 
or- wishes him more to succeed in his plans, or thinks he has 
been worse used by the prince, yet really I trust that our 
friends will not be deterred from doing their duty by such 
feelings as these. 

< The introduction of jury trials is not merely proper but 
necessary in Scotland. I have seen a litigation of three or 
four years in Scotland, and then an appeal, lasting ten or 
twelve years in all, with scarcely the possibility of shor tening 
it, and no great facility of deciding it rightly, all about a mat- 
ter which in Westminster or Guildhall would have been final- 
ly decided in an hour or less. Lord Ellenborough decides 
300 or 400 such every quarter in the City, and 160 or 200 at 
Westminster, besides doing all his Zaw business in term. 
You will understand that I am alluding to cases of disputed 
facts, and perhaps conflicting evidence, which never can be 
well decided but by oral examination, and not almost in any 
case speedily, except in this way. Scotch practice decides 
them thus: A man in a tavern, called a commissioner, takes 
the examinations at vast length: they are reported, and writ- 
ten, and printed, and argued on in written and printed papers 
for years, and then decided upon by a judge who probably 
never heard a witness examined in his life—certainly never 
heard any of those witnesses examined. Hence, too, law of 
evidence there is none, nor can be. The person examining is 
scarcely like a judge, and generally attended by attorneys 
only. But of this enough has been said. The chancellor in 





* William Adam, referred to above, nephew of the architect’s brother, 
noticed in vol. i., p. 38, born 1751, died 1889. In 1815 he was made a Baron 
of Exchequer in Scotland, with the view of establishing the English form of 
jury trial in civil causes; and in 1816 he was pppointed chief commissioner 
of a separate court for tr ial by jury. 


202 CORRESPONDENCE. [1si4. 


1807, when your bill was in the House, and when he substi- 
tuted his own afterwards for it, was averse to forcing a trial 
by jury upon the Scotch courts, so left it to themselves.* 
They are averse to it, and have not taken a step towards it. 
Experience has since proved to him more and more the ab- 
solute necessity of its introduction, and also that they won’t 
take it without compulsion. Now for the job. It is self- 
evident that the proper way of doing is to make the Court of 
Exechequer try issues. When the last augmentation of salary 
was voted in 1810, I supported the proposition for giving the 
barons an equal sum — Archibald Hamilton and others op- 
posing, because their office is a sinecure, or very nearly so, 
and they have as much pay as the other judges. I contended 
that the necessity of jury trial,and the fitness of making an 
English court (as it is entirely by its constitution), where al- 
ready that trial prevails in revenue causes, the place of its in- 
troduction, was too obvious to leave it doubtful that such an 
arrangement must in the end take place. Indeed, I expressed 
doubts whether, by law, issues between common persons as 
well as the Crown cases might not there be tried now, for 
there is an act extending to that court a statute of Henry 
VIII, which gives the Crown pre-audience of all suits ; which 
can have no meaning unless other suits were triable there be- 
sides those where the Crown is a party. However, it was 
clear that one page of an act declaratory of this would be suf- 
ficient and check the laziness of the barons, who have willfully 
prevented, in my opinion, all such causes from ever getting 
into their court. 

“Ts it not clear that the making those sinecure judges 
work, is of itself, independently of their court being the fit 
place, by far the best thing you can do? In truth, there are 
too many even of the common judges in Scotland; they sit 
three days a week, and are up at twelve or one; and half the 
year is mere holiday by law, besides 2 month at Christmas. 
I speak of the Court of Session. As for the Exchequer, they 
can’t possibly have a good fortnight’s work in the year. Is 
it less than scandalous to increase the numbers of judges in 


* Referring to the act by which, in 1808, the Court of Session, which con- 
sisted of fifteen judges, was separated into two divisions, 


AT. 37.] SCOTCH COURTS OF LAW. 203 


such circumstances? I always thought, even in 1807, your 
bill objectionable by adding one judge. England had twelve, 
and a chancellor and master of rolls; Scotland has twenty, 
and it seemed quite absurd to add one. But the hard work 
of the Court of Session, and its arrears, from the size of the 
court and other bad arrangements, might then be urged 
against me. Vow, when the new arrangement has brought 
‘down the whole arrears, and left half the court idle, surely the 
proposition of a new judge is monstrous. 

“Tf Adam must be provided for, why not arrange with 
Norton (English baron), and let him retire, and Adam suc- 
ceed him? But to have a new court made under such cir- 
cumstances is quite dreadful as a job. Indeed, how Adam 
can be a fit judge in such matters, God only knows! The 
place may suit him, but that he can suit the place is impossi- 
ble. It is twelve years since he even saw a jury; and before 
that he never was in jury practice at all. Is it conceivable 
that he should be up to the law of evidence or nisi prius, 
which Hrskine will tell you he has forgotten, and every man 
must, by want of practice? To send him down to introduce 
a bad, bastard kind of law, is really too absurd. Yet I doubt 
not Lauderdale is ready for it, and has fifty arguments to sup- 
port it. I wish you would communicate these objections to 
him from me. They seem to me decisive; and if they don’t 
so strike the Scotch bar, it shall be no fault of mine, for I 
write to Jeffrey by this post. 

“ Yours ever, He By? 


TO EARL GREY. 
‘* Brougham, September 25, 1814. 

* Dear Lorp Grey,—In this and another cover I send the 
sheets of the article, which is execrably printed, but you will 
follow the argument; and it is likely to give pain, also to 
create discussion. 

“YT am clear Perry will do neither.. He is a sad one, and I 
heartily wish the Algerines had him, and his wife were free. 
I perceive White has, with matchless impudence, advertised 
something Foxitish; and he who, down to last Sunday, had 
been abusing the party from highest to lowest, expects now 
to make money of them! AS his newspapers are the very 


204 CORRESPONDENCE. [1814. 


worst written in London, and the dullest as well as the most 
blackguard, I heartily regret such men as Coke being deceived 
by his flummery to patronize him. It will finish the little 
credit we still have among the popular newspapers if we take 
up the worst and most venomous, after being too nice and 
moderate to patronize the respectable ones. Pray return the 
sheets. I leave this the 1st. Yours ever, Hi. B. 

“ Sierakowski is not come; but a letter for a Count Du: 
rouski is arrived.” 


TO EARL GREY. 


‘* Boroughbridge, October 2, 1814. 

“My prar Lorp Grry,—I marvel to sce my instructions 
as to the prince obeyed even in quarters where it seemed im- 
possible; e. g., R. P. Knight (I suppose) on Northcote’s ‘ Life 
of Reynolds, and an article on Alison’s ‘Sermons.’* In 
short, there is a whole battery opened upon the large man, of 
every calibre, from hand-grenade up to 48-lb. shot. He will 
be agreeably surprised to meet with his praises where he the 
least can expect it. 

“They write from Edinburgh that Adam’s job is not so 
rank a one as was at first believed, but that he is to be made 
a Baron of Exchequer in the first place, and then a bill is to 
be passed to erect a new court, composed of judges from the 
others, with Adam at their head, and a salary of £4000. This 
presidency and salary is, therefore, the amount of the new pa- 
tronage created, and the measure is still most objectionable 
on the same grounds, though in a less degree than if they had 
made so many new judges. It will be a court with clerks, 
criers, secretaries, train-bearers, and all the et ceteras of the 
worst kind of patronage—viz., judicial patronage. The Scotch 
bar is sufficiently enslaved by patronage already, and this also 
tends to contaminate the English bar; for clearly the office is 
to be accessible to it. Any instance so barefaced, of a plan, a 
system, devised to suit an individual’s convenience, never yet 
has appeared in this country. The real fact is, that Adam 
finds he can now get the Duke of Bedford to transfer the au- 
ditorship of his estates to his son, and he also knows that his 





* “ Edinburgh Review,” vol. xxiii., pp. 288 and 432, 
* 


ZT, 37.] SCOTCH COURTS OF LAW. 205 


own practice is come down to a mere nothing; therefore he 
gets a court erected where he may preside without an abso- 
lute rebellion of the bar, after having in vain attempted to 
find something for himself in London, where the profession 
never could have submitted to it. In fact, I question if he 
does not also look forward to a peerage; at all events, the 
Scotch already give out that he is to be the prince’s man for 
Scotland; which that virtuous nation thinks a good recom- 
mendation of a chief justice. Really it is too disgusting. 
But the Scotch bar, I think, will cry out; some of them, I 
know, will; and as to personal merits, as well as those of the 
scheme, these will undergo a severe scrutiny, I presume, in 
Parliament. Hebe 


TO EARL GREY. 


‘¢Temple, November 8, 1814. 

“ Drar Lorp Grey,—The prince has been down opening 
the session, looking very ill, and having had Halford with him 
in the morning. The speech is full of America, with pre- 
tenses of pacific intention, exultation about Washington, and 
a queer sort of statement of a naval force having been sent 
to the St. Lawrence too date. Rumors in abundance that 
Liverpool is going out, and Castlereagh to succeed, and Can- 
ning to be brought back to the Admiralty, and Erskine to be 
chancellor. But you will believe as much of this as you 
please. I never can credit any story which is built on the 
supposition of the chancellor and Liverpool resigning; cer- 
tain it is, that some movements towards a divorce have been 
in discussion, at least at Carlton House; and they have made 
so many blunders, and so often raised the Princess of Wales 
up when she was low, that I almost reckon upon their once 
more giving her a helping hand, now that she is lower than 
ever. They are not unlikely to show their teeth in some half 
measure. 

“Meanwhile, some of our friends, eagerly catching at the 
rumors of change, hold that, if he begins to turn out, he will 
end by changing them all; the moral of which is, that the 
party must remain quiet, and be ready to be taken in! It 
seems incredible, but I assure you this is the language. Je- 
kyll has been giving them hopes, I suppose, for he says that 


206 CORRESPONDENCE. [1814. 


the Whigs have used the prince shockingly ill, except two 
lords, Lansdowne and Holland. 

“Tam sure the men I allude to can’t be long taken in by 
such vain hopes; in which case they should not speak’ such 
language, as it damages the character of the party and alarms 
the staunch men. 

“ Ever yours most truly, H. Brovenam.” 


TO EARL GREY. 
““Temple, November 14, 1814. 

“Dear Lorp Grey,—I am sure you will rejoice when I 
tell you that I have this morning, in the Court of Queen’s 
Bench, given Ellenborough such a drubbing as he will not 
soon recover, and that it succeeded in making him retract 
and behave as shabbily as he had at first been bullying. I 
was counsel for a man who had published a blasphemous 
book, and Lord Ellenborough made a clumsy attempt at mix- 
ing me up with the man and his opinions. I instantly fired 
into him, told him I understood his insinuation, that no man 
should dare utter such things without instant and public con- 
tradiction, and that I told him in the face of the court and 
the world that the insinuation was false (or utterly ground- 
less, I forget the word). He was as meek as a lamb, and 
said he had used no insinuation, and tried to explain it away. 
But I would not allow him; and I again gave him the flat 
contradiction as loud as I could roar it out, appealing to the 
court and the bar, and saying that I should defend my char- 
acter and my profession as long as I could utter. He knock- 
ed under, and I enjoyed the satisfaction of having the united 
voice of the bar loudly with me; and afterwards I concluded 
my speech with again recurring to it, and dealing out to El- 
lenborough and Garrow, as well as to the Saints, a good round 
thrashing, talked about their canting, their bawling out their 
faith, and their making godliness a great gain. 

“Tt is fit you should know these matters, as the papers dare 
not publish all I said, and Perry and the enemy will of course 
misrepresent it. I may add that I previously warned Wil- 
berforce that if the prosecution went on they must expect se- 
vere handling, and that the work in question (of which the au- 
thor has been long dead) could only be circulated’ or known 


zr. 87. EARL GREY. . 207 


by such proceedings. They were aware of their danger, and 
now, I believe, blame themselves. 

“TJ shall try to find an office-cover and send you my notes 
of Carnot’s conversations. I hope there may be still some 
chance of your coming up, and going over to see him and oth- 
ers at Christmas. Yours ever, Hab: 

“ P.S.—I send a newspaper by this post, with a correct re- 
port of the case respecting legal privilege, in which Perry 
chose to mistake my speech so unbearably, making me aban- 
don my client, and speak the reverse of what I did say. The 
case has made a great sensation. 

“This report of my speech was corrected by me, at the re- 
quest of many of the bar. Garrow did the same with his; 
but I am sure there are not two words in the whole changed.” 


TO EARL GREY. 
** November 24, 1814. 

“Dear Lorp Grey,—I have just time to ask whether you 
see any very great harm in starting a little conversation in 
the House of Commons regarding Princess Charlotte apropos 
of her money concerns, for mentioning which a fait ground 
exists? It can be done without committing her at all; in- 
deed she can’t be worse off than she is—without a shilling 
since July, except the queen’s charity, and with a dowager 
sleeping every night in the room, or in the next room, and 
the door open. 

“T have seen Miss Mercer, and she is anxious, at all events, 
to have her friend impressed with the idea of the party not 
giving her up. Martin’s question delighted her, though, God 
knows, it was little enough. Government expect something 
to be said.* I must say, amore infamous conduct than Carl- 
ton House spreading such aspersions on Miss Mercer never 
was seen. I can bear witness to her entire fidelity and good 
conduct—nay, absolute boldness and self-devotion, as far as I 
have seen or known. 





* On the 11th of November, Mr. H. Martin asked the Chancellor of the 
Exchequer whether it was his intention to submit to the House any plan for 
an*establishment for her royal highness the Princess Charlotte of Wales. 
The answer was that no commands from Ais royal highness had been received 
upon the subject.—Hansard’s Debates, vol. xxix., p. 112. 


208 CORRESPONDENCE. [1814. 


“TI only object to her carrying her friendly zeal for the 
princess beyond*what is due to her own comfort—and for 
which, if she is not one day ill requited, Princess Charlotte is 
very different from her two worthy parents. But you know 
Miss Mercer, and can join in this eulogium. Iam sure I owe 
you much gratitude for your hint about Ellenborough, though 
I was on my guard; accordingly, to-day I have been pouring 
out some more oil (of vitriol) in a case where I had burning 
ploughshares to walk over, and it answered perfectly. 

“Yours ever, Hebe 


TO EARL GREY. 
‘sDecember 2, 1814. 

“My prar Lorp Grey,—Your letter would of course have 
stopped any measures respecting Princess Charlotte had any 
such formal proceedings been thought of. But Martin mere- 
ly pursuing his question* could do no harm; and what little 
passed last night did certainly good, so far as it went. It 
turns attention to the Princess Charlotte, and sets the ministers 
by the ears. It only took the turn of a money question, and 
shows, by-the-way, that she has the same establishment when 
she is nineteen that she had when only ten. 

“The ministers are greatly damaged; and I should sup- 
pose, if the prince and you could agree about minor matters, 
he would be very glad to give you up all the measures, even 
economy and peace. One does not know, however, the effects 
of the vacation; and for oneI care not. The letter you wrote 
to Miss Mercer quite satisfied her; indeed she seems to me 
very much to see things through your eyes. As for the Prin- 
cess Charlotte, she may not so well like being quiet; but her 
good, and not what pleases in thé®mean time, should be con- 
sulted. I presume the observations you made did not apply 
to the press, and that comments in that quarter may be tried, 
though Perry is too bad. Ihave some curious things respect- 





* ¢¢ Whether the sum allowed for the establishment of the Princess Char- 
lotte of Wales, which had been fixed when she was ten years of age, had been 
augmented since that period ?” 

The answer of the Chancellor of the Exchequer was that the allowanc@had 
not been continued since the princess had been taken into the family of her 
royal father.—Hansard’s Debates, December 1, 1814, vol. xxix., p. 638. 


AT. 37.] EARL GREY. 209 


ing the new Scotch baron, who retains his Carlton House job- 
bing-place!! Yours ever, 1 bd os 


TO EARL GREY. 
“ Cockpit, December 8, 1814. 

“Drar Lorp Grey,—lI am much annoyed to hear of your 
having been taking laudanum, for it looks like a spasm. Pray 
say if it has prevented it. 

“ Romilly is, I hope, out of danger ; but if so, it is by dint 
of bleeding, and that is no joke to a man of fifty-eight. We 
have had a terrible alarm about him. Baillie has no fear, un- 
less there is a relapse; but that would be fatal; he had one 
already. I always observe the best and ablest men die when 
attacked. If he had been a prince or princess, he would have 
recovered fifty times over of a worse illness. I thought you 
would like to hear this, so write it, though in much haste, at 
the Privy Council, where I have been speaking under a cough 
as bad as Romilly’s was the day he was taken ill. These in- 
flammations are going about. In haste, yours ever, 

ils rahe} 

«'T,¢ ‘ Courier’? has made no play, but we must press mod- 
erately on sucha topic. Perry is very different, now the baron 
is gone off.* 

“TJ think, in the gloss he gives, his job exceeds himself. 
The only fault of the Grenville Bill was its increasing judicial 
patronage; and in that point his is indeed like it, only much 
worse. It will run a fine gauntlet.” 


TO EARL GREY. 

‘ ‘Temple, December 9, 1814. 

“Drar Lorp Grey,—I write to say that the movement 
has answered perfectly. 

“ Propositions to pay all bills, debts, etc., have come to the 
Princess Charlotte, and Vansittart has as good as said she 
might have more money immediately, and as much as she 
needed. Miss Knight, through whom the information came 
to Miss Mercer, says there is no doubt of the cause of all this. 

“When your letter to Miss Mercer came, disapproving of 
ST Wak i erm ve 


* Mr. Adam; sce above, p. 201, 


210 THE PRINCESS OF WALES. [1814. 


any measures in Parliament, though it was clear from the con- 
text, and still clearer from your letter to me, that you only 
meant formal measures on & great scale, yet it seemed to me 
that in case any mischief were done by the skirmish, it would ° 
be fair to you, and beneficial to Princess Charlotte, to show 
her your letter, or tell her the substance, and throw the blame 
on me. 

“ But we agreed, if all went right, to tell her nothing about 
the matter; and your yesterday’s letters confirm this, as you 
plainly approve of what has been done; so now she knows 
nothing of it. . 

“What think you of the Carlton House report, that the 
prince wants you to go to Vienna, and to recall Castlereagh ? 
He will send me, as your secretary, no doubt. They say he 
is in love with Lord Grenville. Halford as good as confirmed 
this to me t’other day, and Cholmondelly states it broadly. 

“For gossip take this, which is inimitable: Mrs. Perceval 
is to be married forthwith (pension and all) to a colonel some- 
body, a handsome officer at Ealing, son of the parson there.* 
Romilly continues better. Yours ever, Hab 


Unhappily all our remonstrances [against the princess go- 
ing abroad] proved vain; and what I had foretold happened, 
if not immediately, yet as soon as her enemies had collected 
proof enough in the market of perjury, when she lost her 
daughter. The steps were taken in less than three years after 
she went abroad, to prepare for proceeding against her as soon 
as she should lose her father-in-law also. But she was sur- 
rounded with spies from the first, and the’Milan Commission 
was only sent to reduce these stories.to a regular statement. 
It must be added that a great facility to her going abroad had 
been afforded by the addition which the House of Commons 
made to her income, when the unjustifiable conduct of the re- 
gent and the queen towards her, on the arrival of the sover- 
eigns in 1814, had excited universal indignation. Every at- 
tempt was made, by part, at least, of the ministers, to prevent 
her going abroad, but they failed. 

We had a remarkable proof, or at least illustration, of .the 


* Lieutenant-colonel Sir Henry Carr, K.C.B, 


AT. 37.] HER SOJOURN ABROAD. : 211 


prevalence of opinion and feeling in our favor during the dis- 
cussions of the summer 1814. One day, very early, when 
Whitbread and I were considering some point of the case, I 
had been complaining ‘of the pertinacious antagonism of the 
“Times” and some paper (possibly the “ Morning Post”) 
devoted to Carlton House. The “Times” had mingled oc- 
casional assertions of belief in her innocence, but on the sub- 
ject of her treatment and that of Princess Charlotte had been 
strongly against us. Our conversation was interrupted that 
I might write a few lines to the princess upon what we had 
been discussing ; and while I was doing so, Whitbread looked 
at the papers which had just come in. “ Heyday !” he cricd, 
“ what’s the matter now? Here’s the ‘Times’ turned right 
round, and all in the princess’s favor !” And so it certainly 
was, and so it continued to be, not only to the end of the 
controversy then going on, but ever after, and rendered us 
most essential service in the great struggle of 1820. Since 
that time it has apparently changed again—at least in 1855, 
on the occasion of Denman’s death, it published the most bit- 
ter abuse of the queen, and expressed unbounded astonish- 
ment at the popular feeling in her favor, which its own exer- 
tions had so greatly assisted in exciting. At the trial in 
1820, we, the counsel, had communicated with the paper 
through Barnes, the chief editor, whom Denman and Wil- 
liams had known well at Cambridge; and I one day begged 
them to ask him what the history was of the sudden change 
in 1814. 

Ie said it was owing to the chief proprietor making in- 
quiry, ag he did regularly, about the state of the sale; and 
finding it was falling off in an alarming degree, he directed 
the other side to be taken. This might be an inference of 
Barnes, and not a fact stated on his knowledge ; for I can not 
say that he filled the same situation in 1814 which he did in 
1820. He was also a malignant person, and might have had 
a quarrel at the time with Mr. Walter, the chief proprietor. 
But the fact of the sudden change is unquestionable; and it 
could only arise from finding the former course to have been | 
contrary to the general opinion and feeling. I had occasion 
many years after to appoint Barnes’s brother to a place of 
emolument, which he had begged me to do. I received a let- 


212 THE PRINCESS OF WALES. : [1814. 


ter saying I had made him my debtor for life. He paid off 
the debt by installments of abuse—I won’t say daily, but al- 
most weekly. His usual threat during the queen’s trial was, 
“We'll write him down.” When any one took a part against 
the princess, or indeed when he had objections of any kind 
against a public man, we often saw him try this, but in no 
instance whatever did we observe that he succeeded. 

The Princess of Wales, after paying a visit to her brother 
at the Court of Brunswick, went on to Italy, and established 
herself at Naples, where she proposed to pass the winter; and 
while there Lady Charlotte Lindsay received from her the fol- 
lowing letter: 


THE PRINCESS OF WALES TO LADY CHARLOTTE LINDSAY. 


** Naples, December 15, 1814. 

“My pear Lapy Cnarvorre,—It is a real misfortune to 
have too zealous friends in this world. I now just begin to 
feel a little quite not happy, which I mention once before in 
one of my letters, but tranquille, that find I am again to be 
troubled with thousand fears and visions, but so much about 
Mr. Brougham’s letter. I inclosed to you my answer, and I 
have sent also a diplicat through the channel of Messrs. 
Coutts. By that methode Mr. Brougham must have it very 
soon and safe—the power and authority to acte as he think 
the best and the most prudent for Princess Charlotte and 
myself. 

“T beg of you to mention also that General Matthews, a 
great oposition person, is here with his brother, Lord Llan- 
daff, Lord Sligo also, Ever English person are very civil 
and good humor with me; even the Holland have been so to 
me. The King and Queen are both very clever, and very 
good-natured indeed to me, and very fond of my society. I 
live entirely with them, and go to dinner alone with them 
constantly. There are many English, and much attached to 
the nation; their conduct are so perfect that they are quite 
adored by these people. The only misery I feel is, that I 
have never yet heard from Princess Charlotte. Mr. St. Leger 
saw her at Weymouth after his return to England. She was 
much better, but she never write once, so I write ever week. 
I wrote to Mr. St. Leger to mention this to Lord Liverpool, 


AT. 37.] HER SOJOURN ABROAD, 213 


but I have not yet received any answer. I hope in a month 
tosee you. Now then by this time all my letters must have 
reached you, and pray answer soon. I think Whitbread could 
mention something about not receiving proper information 
from Princess Charlotte, if it should continue still the silence. 
The climate is beautiful, but no real society. The king and 
queen by far the most agreeable in the country, which I enjoy 
much. My best love to Lady Glenbervie, and my Lord and 
Lady Charlotte Campbell, and take for yourself my best and 
good wishes, and believe me forever yours, CLE 


The following letters relate to the kind efforts made by 
Lord Grey to procure a seat for me: 


TO EARL GREY. 


‘¢ January 19, 1815. 
“Dear Lorp Grey,—I have received a deputation from 
the Boro’, and being very hard pressed to come forward, I 
refused in a decisive manner, though, of course, with civility. 
It would have been madness in the middle of term to stand a 
-contest, even if I cared more for politics than I probably ever 
shall again, after all I have seen of their dirtiness. 
“Meantime we have gained a great victory at Liverpool 
over Canning, Gladstone & Co., and the property-tax. 
* Yours in haste, H. Brovenam.” 


FROM EARL GREY. 
** Howick, Jan. 19, 1815. 

“My pEarR Broveuam,—I reproach myself with my long 
silence, though I have had nothing to say that could make 
my not writing of the least consequence to you. 

“Thave heard a good deal of the prince’s quarrels with his 
ministers; but I have reason to disbelieve that part of the ac- 
count which states those differences to have arisen from his 
pressing them on the subject of the divorce. That this is a 
thing which he has much and constantly at heart, I can not 
doubt; but however probable it may be that the old princess’s 
present situation and conduct may afford him the opportuni- 
ty that he seeks, no such occasion has yet been found; nor 
is there, I believe, any other ground for such an apprehension 


214 CORRESPONDENCE. [1815. 


than his conversations with the Princess Charlotte, which to 
me clearly indicate that he has some point to carry, for which 
he is preparing, partly by affected kindness, and partly by 
those attempts to alarm her fears. 

“ Much as I wish to see you in Parliament, it would, I con- 
fess, be rather on any other account than this. 

x a ** H ** *K a 

“Tf, however, any thing is to be done, your presence is in- 
deed most important, as I quite agree with you that any, de- 
fense which it may be possible to make will not be well con- 
ducted without your assistance. Whether for this purpose 
only, with the present uncertainty of its coming on at all, it 
be worth your while to make any sacrifice to get a seat for 
the session, you alone can determine. Upon all other grounds 
I should think your return to the House of Commons of the 
greatest importance; and I wish to God it was in my power 
to assist in any arrangement to procure you, not a temporary, 
but a permanent seat there. Ever truly yours, 

~ GREY.” 4 


TO EARL GREY. 
‘*Temple, January 27, 1815. 

“Dear Lorp Grey,—I am equally obliged for your kind 
and friendly recommendation of me, and vexed to find you 
have had a third attack. Of course, I declined the proposi- 
tion. As for your manner of speaking, as if you had little 
more to do with politics, it is quite out of the question to en- 
tertain such thoughts. These spasms are, though painful, 
mere spasms, and will go off, and lead to nothing. You have 
thirty years good yet, of which twenty may be as active as 
you please and like. You are the only key-stone that keeps 
things together; and I have the more especial interest in this 
matter because I really (under the sort of inderdict or ex- 
communication which the party generally lays on me) am 
compelled to consider you as my only ground or pretext for 
continuing personally connected with it, however much our 
principles may agree. Therefore my allegiance is gone, and 
Lam a sort of outlaw or outcast the moment you are out of 
the question. This may plead my excuse for the anxiety I 
- always feel when you talk of giving up political life. 


HT. 87] EVENTS ABROAD. 215 


“Being on this subject, pray do not imagine that I ever in- 
tended to insinuate to any one, least of all to you, a doubt.as 
to Lauderdale’s deserving your confidence. TI only mentioned, 
as I had been desired, that he corresponds on Princess Char- 
lotte’s affairs with the Pavilion—a thing very credible, after 
the warm part he took last summer—and, indeed, no sort of 
charge against him; nor was it meant that he should write 
what you told him, but only that if you spoke openly, as you 
naturally might, he must, whether he would or not, profit by 
what he heard. Even thus much I should not have told you, 
but for the delicacy of the situation. I assure you I have de- 
fended Lauderdale times and ways more than you are aware 
of; and I have saved him once and again from trouble, hay- 
ing the greatest liking for him, politics apart—in which it is 
scarcely possible for a Scotchman of the old school to go al- 
ways straight. This brings me to the new job, but I won’t 
plague you with it, as I find we never shall agree upon it—at 
least, in degree.” 


The following letter refers to Bonaparte’s rapid and unop- 
posed march from Cannes, where he had landed on the Ist of 
March; not only unopposed, but actually joined, when he 
passed through Grenoble, by the regiments stationed there: 


TO EARL GREY, 
‘York, March 10, 1815. 

“Dear Lorp Grey,—I am much obliged to you for your 
kind letter, though it contains very bad news. Knowing the 
universal disposition of the army in Bonaparte’s favor, I was 
not surprised at his rapid success; but it seems strange that 
no movement against him, to knock him in the head, was at-- 
tempted during the first three or four days. It seems to show 
that there was no one corps of 5000 men to be relied on. 
And now every thing is over with the Bourbons, unless some 
random shot or other accident disposes of Bonaparte. Even 
were he to go in this way, I am clear the army and republican 
party together would set up somebody—possibly the King of 
Rome—not so likely now the Duke of Orleans. Bonaparte 
himself must give the country some liberty and peace after 
taking Belgium. I don’t think he will soon try Russian cam- 


216 CORRESPONDENCE. [1515. 


paigns again, or shoot people in woods by torch-light. But 
the grand evil is that we shall have expensive armaments, un- 
less we have sense enough to stand upon the defensive; and 
even then it will be a constant pretext for keeping up the es- 
tablishments. I dare say this and the chance of the old prin- 
cess being destroyed (she can hardly be lost in the disturb- 
ance) will comfort the great man mightily. 

“The Corn Bill is of course forgotten by the mobs; and 
the farmers are in good heart at Bonaparte’s getting back; 
but when I came here a week ago I found clear proofs that 
the bill had made even loyal Church-and-King folks Parlia- 
mentary reformers. Lord Pitzwilliam’s agents distinctly say 
that any Burdettite would now turn out Sir Mark Sykes! This 
reminds me of a rumor that has reached me of Curran being 
brought forward by Burdett in Westminster. This was an 
idea of Holland House last summer; but if Burdett really 
gives in to it, his folly, in trusting to Curran’s honesty, is if 
possible greater than the only other quality it can be as- 
cribed to. Ever yours truly, TH. Brouenam.” 


On the 6th of July occurred an event which gave me a 
shock as great as any I ever remember to have experienced— 
a shock caused not only by the horror of the attendant cir- 
cumstances, but by the sudden loss to me of a warm friend 
with whom I had been for years not only on most intimate 
terms, but with whom I had been recently, and almost to the 
hour of his unhappy end, engaged in daily intercourse and 
consultation upon subjects of the highest interest and impor- 
tance. I certainly must have had some instinctive presenti- 
ment of what was going to happen, for a few days before the 
6th of July I had written to Grey these words: 


“‘Temple, July 2, 1815. 
“Tf you see Whitbread or Lady Elizabeth, do, for God’s 
sake, insist upon their immediately going away, not to South- 
hill, where he works, but anywhere else, and urge her to keep 
him absolutely idle for two months at least. I am very seri- 
ously alarmed about him, and he refuses to see any medical 
man.” 


ar.37] WHITBREAD. 217 


It is impossible to enumerate the advantages which the 
princess derived from Whitbread’s steady support. His pri- 
vate character in every relation of life, whether as a relative, 
a connection, or a friend, was exemplary almost without a 
parallel. His great abilities, persevering industry, and long 
habits of business, and his uniform adhesion to his principles, 
the resolute independence with which on all occasions he de- 
clared them, his determined refusal to make any compromise 
for court favor, or even for ordinary party purposes, gained 
and retained for him the unabated confidence of the country, 
giving him a weight both in and out of Parliament such as 
very few men have ever possessed. Having embraced the 
princess’s cause, he stood manfully by her, and he was through- 
out my constant and most powerful colleague. It may be ob- 
served that he, as well as myself, were mainly influenced by 
the extremes of injustice, cruelty, and fraud of which we con- 
sidered the princess to be the victim; and we considered it 
to be a case calling for the support of all who had the power 
of protecting her, and who hated oppression. It is in vain 
to say that other cases of oppression occur every day, were 
known to us, and yet we did not interfere. No doubt the 
high position of the parties influenced us, though neither of 
us had been slow to act in many obscurer cases. But we 
only devoted ourselves more to these high parties in the same 
way, and for the same reason, that the whole country took a 
lively interest in them. A young woman dying in childbed, 
and a man maltreating his wife and daughter, are daily occur- 
rences; but the whole people were in real mourning at the 
Princess Charlotte’s death, and were roused to exasperation 
at the persecution of the queen. However, it is not to be de- ° 
nied that both Whitbread and I took a peculiar interest in 
the case of the Princess of Wales, from the strong sense which 
we both had of the bad public conduct of her husband, his 
abandonment of his principles, his desertion of his friends, 
and his giving himself up to his and their political enemies. 
All our most cherished principles were involved in an opposi- 
tion to him which had become personal. In cases of disputed 
succession, no one can imagine the preference of large parties 
for one sovereign or one family to be founded on principle— 
to say nothing of older times, when the wars of the two Roses, 

Vou. I.—K 


218 WHITBREAD. [1815. 


which divided the whole people of all ranks, rested upon noth- 
ing like the preference of one family to the other for any rea- 
son of policy or national advantage, but purely and simply on 
the controversy about hereditary title. At a much later pe- 
riod, passing over the seventeenth century, when there was a 
real difference of monarchical and republican principles, the 
controversy, which lasted the greater part of the eighteenth 
century, and led to all the excesses of factious violence and to 
two rebellions, turned on mere hereditary right—the pretfer- 
ence of one family to another, as so entitled; and although 
the two families held different doctrines as to royal authority, 
there can not be the least doubt that, with the vast majority 
of their partisans, the Jacobites and Hanoverians, the differ- 
ence was on the grounds of mere personal feeling. Even 
with the more enlightened partisans, such as Dr. Johnson, it 
was a kind of romantic attachment to the one family in pref- 
erence to the other. I don’t at all consider that, in the course 
which we pursued in the question between the oppressed in- 
dividuals and the oppressor, we were taking a more personal 
view than had been done in the other instances T have referred 
to, even independent of the share which opposition to the 
prince and his measures had in our motives. 

Whitbread and I acted together cordially, occasionally to 
the discontent of some of the party: and this co-operation 
continued down to the eve of his lamented death, which cast 
a gloom over political society, such as I recollect no other ex- 
ample of. Dr. Baillie was at that time attending me, and 
when the examination of the cause of his illness took place, 
upon my positively insisting that it should, I remember his 
saying how glad he was that it had been made. It was a 
slight ossification of the dura mater, which produced irrita- 
tion of the brain, and Dr. Baillie said he had escaped by his 
death a most painful existence, for he had an instance of the 
same disease in his partner as a lecturer (Mr. Cruikshanks), 
who had for some years led the most wretched life; the in- 
sanity in his case taking the turn of constant suspicion and 
fear, as believing that all he said was heard through the walls 
of his room. When the small space of the ossification was 
considered (the size of a sixpence), I asked if it might not 
have been removed by the trepan. Dr. Baillic’s answer was, 











AT. 37.] CORRESPONDENCE. 219 


we had no means of knowing exactly where it was situated. 
I mentioned the fact of Whitbread always referring to one 
particular spot as the seat of the pain of which he had for 
some months complained; but Dr. Baillie said that, besides 
the above objection, trepanning would have been no cure. 
He mentioned a case of a patient of his who had an ossifica- 
tion of one leg, and as it was creeping upward, so as inevita- 
bly to affect a vital part, amputation was deemed necessary, 
and was performed with perfect success, so that he was well 
in all respects for some little time; but then he began to 
cough, and this could not be stopped, or even allayed, and in 
a few months he died of pulmonary complaint, when it was 
found that the lungs were entirely ossified. “So you see, 
sir,” Dr. Baillie added, “though there is but one way into 
the world, there are many ways out of it.” . 


FROM LORD GREY. 
‘** Portman Square, July 9, 1815. 

m My DEAR Brovucuam,—tThe inclosed letter is in answer 
to one which I wrote to Lord Darlington this morning, in 
consequence of having heard that there is a vacancy for Win- 
chelsea. I did not like to say any thing to you till I knew 
what prospect there was of success, and I now send it in the 
hope that the interview which Lord Darlington proposes may 
take place, and that its result may be what I so earnestly 
wish. I should like to see you to-morrow if possible, that I 
may tell you exactly what I wrote to Lord Darlington. You 
will find me in Dover Street at eleven or twelve, but I can 
not answer for myself later, as I am to attend poor Ponson- 
by’s funeral, and do not know at what hour it is to take 
place.* Jam, my dear Brougham, ever most truly yours, 

* GEEX.g 


The result referred to came to pass as Lord Grey had 
wished, and I was shortly afterwards returned for Winchel- 
sea. 





* Right Honorable George Ponsonby, M.P. for Wicklow, second son to 
the Speaker of the Irish House of Commons, and one of the lords-justices 
of Ireland. Wis son George was in 1806 Lord-chancellor of Ireland, and 
died 8th July, 1817. 


~ 


220 EARL GREY. [1815. 


TO EARL GREY. 
*¢ Walton, July 10, 1815. 

“My prar Lorp Grey,—I have this moment received your 
letter, and Lord Darlington’s inclosed in it; and if I had been 
able, I should have come to town without delay to*see and 
talk with: you; but the truth is that this horrible affair has 
thrown me back more than I can describe, and the barely com- 
ing here (to pass a day with my fellow-invalid Ossulston*) has _ 
exhausted me so much that all to-morrow I know I shall be ~ 
totally unfit to move, at any rate not till pretty late. On 
Tuesday I shall be in town certainly, unless Tam much worse ; | 
and as you are likely to be in town on Wednesday, I can sce 
you then. 

“But I fear that I have said enough already to aha you 
how unfit I am for active service ; and though Baillie flatters 
me with the hope of rest and ease restoring me, I really can 
hardly bring myself to occupy a place which you might fill 
with so many abler to do its duties. I say nothing of the ut- 
ter distaste for public life which naturally sits upon one at 
this moment, and which may possibly pass away, but I can’t 
help feeling it and letting it influence me. 

“At all events, I beseech you to let it clearly appear to Lord 
Darlington that your most kind intentions respecting me were 
wholly without my knowledge. This is the more necessary 
because I was consulted bya the person to whom Lord Dar- 
lington had made the first proposal, and I strongly urged him 
to accept it, and prevailed upon him to delay one night giving 
his refusal. 

“T scarcely need add any expression of my sincere sense of 
your friendship on this as on all occasions. The feeling is 
mutual, though, God knows, I have now but little power of 
showing it except in expressions. 

“ Ryer yours most faithfully, H. Broveuam.” 


TO EARL GREY. 
‘““Temple, August 2, 1815. 
“My pEAR Lorp Grey, —lI inclose in this and another 





* Afterwards Earl of Tankerville on his father’s death, December 10, 18 








AT. 37.] FOREIGN POLITICS. oo 1 


cover three letters from Sir 8. Bentham’s family, in France, to 
his brother Bentham here.* I suppose they are written by 
Lady Bentham, and as they profess to tell whatever they re- 
marked, you may be amused with them, when you can find 
time and patience to read them; when you have done with 
them, you may inclose them to me at Brougham, Penrith. 

“T have learnt since I came here that the Duke of Cumber- 
land is going out as regent to Brunswick. 

“My German law is so rusty that I can’t say whether the 
prince regent has a right to make this appointment or not. 
The late duke was regent only during the imbecility of his 
brother, but I am pretty confident he was chosen by the 
States ; however, I shall learn the whole of the law as well as 
the fact from the Duke of Sussex before I leave town. It 
really seems a strange anomaly in our Government that the 
Crown should have any foreign patronage, to be bestowed on 
any person—é. g., as in this instance on a peer of Parliament ; 
and however much it may be sanctioned by precedent, it is 
clearly against the spirit of the constitution. I presume you 
have heard of young Orange’s marriage with the Russian. 
_ He announced it by letter to the prince regent; so there’s an 
end of the little princess’s annoyance from that quarter. 
Nash’s estimate for the improvement at Brighton is £63,000. 
All praise is given to the Prussians, at Carlton House ; and 
Lord Uxbridge is loudly maintained to have saved the day, 
as far as we were concerned ! 

“The accounts from France are quite dreadful, and the 
Duke and Duchess of Orleans, who were t’other day at Brock- 
et Hall, gave, I understand, the most gloomy view of every 
thing. As soon as I hear again from Sierakowsky, I shall 
write. I am better in general health, but the local complaints 
continue. I hope Lady Grey and yourself are now quite 
well. Yours ever, H. Broveuam.” 

‘“‘T shall leave this in a day or two, and proceed homeward 
by slow journeys. I think I am better, but still very far in- 
deed from well.” 





* Sir Samuel Bentham, brother of Jeremy Bentham (born 1757, died 
1831); see ‘‘ The Life of Brigadier-general Sir Samuel Bentham, K.S.Gs, 
formerly Inspector-general of Naval Works, lately a Commissioner of his 
Majesty’s Navy, with the distinet duty of Civil Architect and Engineer of the 
Navy. By his Widow.” 1862. 


222 OVERWORK. [1815. 


All the summer (of 1815) I had been ill, I believe more 
from overwork than any actual disease; and for some weeks 
I felt very much inclined to give up law, politics, and every 
thing, and to retire into the country and write books. I was 
ill enough to be quite indisposed to work—so much so, that I | 
actually did not contribute a single article to the June num- | 
ber of the “ Edinburgh Review.” But a few weeks of rest | 
and perfect quiet at Brougham, where I went early in August, 
restored me, and banished the fit of lowness, and low spirits, 
and despondency which had so afflicted me. While at, | 
Brougham I wrote several articles for the Review—one upon ~ 
a plan, suggested by Stephen, for establishing a registry of : 
slaves, originally proposed by him, and adopted in the con- 
quered islands; and afterwards, in 1815, proposed to be ex- | 


a 


tended to the old scttlements.* I also took much interest in 
the working of bees, more especially as regards the mathe- 
matical perfection of the structure of their cells, uniting 
strength with the greatest economy of materials, and satisfy- 
ing every condition of a difficult geometrical problem. The 
speculations and investigations which this subject led me to 
pursue, did as much to cure me as the healthy air of West- 
moreland. I also wrote an article upon a pamphlet recently 
published in Paris, as a vindication of Carnot’s conduct since 
July, 1814. My article was, in fact, supplementary to the arti- 
cle I had before written upon Carnot’s Memorial to Louis 
XVIIIL.+ 
While at Brougham I wrote as foilows to Lord Grey: 





TO EARL GREY. 
** Brougham, September 30, 1815. 

*“ My prar Lorp Grey,—When [I last wrote to you, I for- 
got to mention one or two things which I learned before I left 
town. I saw the Duke of Sussex, and heard, of course, all the 
family news. They are more at daggers-drawn than ever, the 








* Article on ‘‘ Reasons for Establishing a Registry of Slaves in the British 
Colonies ; being a Report of a Committee of the African Institution.” —Edin- 
burgh Review, vol. xxv., No. L., art. ii., p. 315. 

t Article on ‘‘ Exposé de la Conduite Politique de M. le Lieutenant-Gén- 
éral Carnot, depuis le 1° Juillet, 1814.” Paris, 1815.—Ldinburgh Review, 
yol, xxy., art. Viii., p. 442. 





ay 


| 


| #7. 38.] _ FOREIGN POLITICS. 223 


{ 
\ 


c tarrel between the queen and prince being at its height. 
The story you saw in the ‘ Morning Chronicle’ (of the queen’s 
letter being written under a solemn engagement that the 
Duchess of Cumberland should never come here, nor avail her- 
self of the letter in any way except as a salve for her charac- 


_ter abroad) is substantially correct, and there seems reason to 


suspect the chancellor of lending himself to the prince’s scheme 
for getting over this engagement, by finding out that the mar- 
riage must be performed here. As for the regency, it seems 
there was an abdication in form by the reigning Duke of 
Brunswick in his brother’s favor, and that the prince, being 
left guardian to the infant, appoints the Duke of Cumberland 
as his locum tenens. The family don’t seem to quarrel with 
the law of this, but they all suspect it is a step towards mak- 
ing him viceroy in Hanover and recalling the Duke of Cam- 
bridge, in which case they are prepared to be very angry, es- 
pecially the Duke of Kent, who vows that, though he waived 
his claims in the latter’s favor, nothing shall make him give 
up to the other. All the princesses take part with the queen, 
who has, moreover, been grossly insulted by the young Duke 
of Mecklenburg. He wrote her a letter about his sister, such 
that she (queen) does not show, though she does her answer. 
The latter I saw, and think it really about the best written 
thing I ever read.in my life—severe beyond measure, but ad- 
mirable. It alludes to the young man’s insults, and speaks 
of them as offered ‘4 mon age, 4 mon sexe, et 4 ma position’ 
—so what the deuce he can have said, one is at a loss to guess. 
I think he must have charged her with drinking, at the very ~ 
least. It don’t call him ‘Neveu,’ but simply ‘ Monsieur.’ 
Now, the notion among this worthy family seems to be, that 
the youth never would have written such a letter as it must 
have been, had he not been backed by the Duke of Cumber- 
land, and that the letter must have been sure of the prince’s 
support; so this has put oil on the flame. I forgot to say 
that publication is loudly threatened, and the queen’s letter 
in High Dutch may be looked for, it being understood that 
the German public will be first appealed to by them. The 
queen’s case, on the other hand, consists rather of her own 
story than of any written documents; but her word will go 
far against her son’s, though it would be nothing against any 


224 THE PRINCESS OF WALES [1815. 


other person’s. They seem to think she will give authority 

to one of them to assert her case in the House of Lords. All 

this is such a mess, that I see plainly it mst be made up. 
“Yours ever truly, Hs Broveuam.” 


Before November I returned to London, and went through 
my winter work without much difficulty, and also the more 
severe labor of preparing for and working the repeal of the 
income-tax in Parliament. But my health suffered severely 
for this, as will be seen presently. 

In October Lady Charlotte Lindsay had the following letter 
from the Princess of Wales: 


THE PRINCESS OF WALES TO LADY CHARLOTTE LINDSAY. 
**Ce 5 Octobre, 1815. 


“ J’ai enfin cing de vos lettres toutes 4 la fois, ma chére 
Lady Charlotte. Je suis justement sur le point pour m’em- 
barquer 4 Génes, pour me rendre en Sicile et dans les fles 
Toniennes. Au mois de Février je me propose d’étre de re- 
tour ici dans ma petite coquille. Je désire beaucoup d’éviter 
les empereurs et le couronnement, qui dit-on doit se faire & 
Milan au mois de Novembre. Vous serez bien étonnée d’ap- 
prendre que Lord A. Hamilton vient justement de quitter ma 
chambre. II va se rendre a4 Florence, pour revoir son ancienne 
flamme, Lady Oxford. Ainsi va le monde! Lady John 
Campbell vient aussi @arriver ici, et a eu Yimprudence de 
vouloir me rendre visite, ce que j’ai absolument refusé. La 
mort du cher Mr. Whitbread m’a beaucoup étonné. Un 
homme si religieux et pieux finir par un tel catastrophe! 
Mais je me rapelle un certain jour 4 Connaught House, Mr. 
Brougham arriva bien vite chez moi, pour faire une lettre 
pour un bien grand personnage, parceque le bon Whitbread 
avait fait une confusion trés forte, ce qui nous fit partir si 
tard pour Worthing. Je suis sfire que vous avez pensé aussi 
4 ce jour plus Vune fois. Il est actuellement bien heureux 
que j’ai quitté cet enfer, car n’ayant plus d’amis si zélés au 
parlement, mes affaires y sont encore plus mal. Au lieu de 
me dire qu’au retour du Duc de Cumberland 4 Londres, il 
n’a rien fait 4 Connaught House que de conter toute sa his- 
toire de PAllemagne pendant mon dernier séjour dans cette 


ZT. 38. ] THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE. 225 


ville; mais un mensonge de plus ou de moins est de trés peu 
de conséquence. Assurez Mr. Brougham que je ne retourne 
jamais plus en Angleterre excepté quand le Duc ou le Grand- 
due serait mort, et que la jeune fille me desire bien ardem- 
ment de me revoir! Sans cela, jamais! Ce que je commence 
i craindre c’est que de tels Gvénements heureux ne pourraient 
arriver. , 

“ J’ai eu aussi une des trés longues lettres et fort stupides 
de M"* Beauclerc; ayez la bonté d’y repondre, et de lui as- 
surer que les Hollands et tous méme pourraient donner de 
trés bonnes nouvelles de ma santé et de mon contentement. 
J’apprends que Lady Glenbervie est beaucoup mieux en santé, 
ce que me fait bien plaisir @’avoir dans mon pouvoir de vous 
donner cette agréable nouvelle. Aw rest, croyez moi pour la 
vie votre plus sincére et affectionée amie, Cale 

“La famille royale n’a nullement pris égard 4 la mort de 
mon frére; il n’y a que ma fille. La Princesse Sophie de 
Gloucester, j’aurais cru m’aurait écrit un mot par bon ceur, 
et le duc son frére par politesse; mais ni lun ni lautre. 
' Ainsi vale monde! Aussi, je suis bien resolu de ne jamais 
plus leur écrire ni méme leur repondre, si jamais encore ils 
prennent fantaisie @écrire. J’ai vu un soir 4 Popéra 4 Como 
M. et M™* Orde.* Ils restent tout Phiver 4 Florence avec les 
Oxfords. Le Professeur Monchiti, médecin trés celebre, et un 
homme trés aimable pour la société, naturel et fort instruit 
sur toutes les differentes branches de sciences, m’accompagne 
dans mon voyage. J’ai demandé la permission au Gouverne- 
ment, et ils m’ont accordé pour six mois son absence. Un 
autre professeur, trés instruit pour les arts et sciences, qui 
parle aussi toutes les langues comme le Frangais, est un homme 
fort aimable pour la société, et un certain Chevalier Monti- 
celli, qui chante et peint 4 merveille, et fort gai et de bonne 
humeur, est aussi de la partie. Le dernier ressemble beau- 
coup par Vesprit et la figure 4 Mr. John M‘Adam, et le reste 
sont les personnes de ma famille. Je me fais un plaisir de 
vous donner un détail de tout mon voyage, qui sera curieux, 
instructif, et amsuant en méme temps. Tout le monde sont 





* Mrs. Scott, daughter of the Rev. James Scott, was sister of Jane Eliza- 
beth, wife of Edward, fifth Earl of Oxford, 
K 2 


226 THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE. [1815. 


amis, et se connaissent bien sans la moindre jalousie Pun 
pour lautre! C'est une chose bien rare, je crois, mais cepen- 
dant notre voyage sera pour tant composé de tels messieurs. 
Ayez la bonté de m’écrire 4 Palermo, ot je compte rester 
quelques jours.” 


ZT. 38.] THE INCOME-TAX. OOF 


CHAPTER XV. 


The Income-tax.—State of France after the War.—Necessity for Retrench- 
ment at Home.—Struggleagainst the Income-tax.—The Victory.—Policy 
of Debates on Petitions. —Court Politics. —Marriage of the Princess Char- 
lotte.—Lord Lansdowne.—Motion for Address on the State of the Na- 
tion.—IIl Health.—Dr. Baillie.—Instances of his Sagacity.—Relaxation 
abroad.—Geneva and Paris.—Election of Chamber of Deputies. —Govern- 
ment and Parties in France.—The Chances of the Bourbons.—Count Fla- 
hault.—Madame de Staél.—The Sufferers from Political Prosecutions.— - 
Death of the Princess Charlotte.—The Succession to the Throne.—Death 
of Romilly. —Death of Queen Charlotte.—Sir Philip Francis. —Burdett.— 
Romilly.—Political disturbances.—The ‘‘ Peterloo Massacre.”—Designs of 
the Government.—The Duke of Wellington. 


For some time in the end of 1815 and the beginning of 
1816, I had much discussion and correspondence with Lord 
Grey on the subject of the income-tax, to the continuance of 
which he expressed the strongest objections, because, as be- 
ing purely a war impost, he was of opinion, in which I en- 
tirely concurred, that it ought to be given up as soon as was 
possible after the war ended. 

As I fully entered into all Lord Grey’s objections, I took 
the earliest opportunity, after I re-entered Parliament, to or- 
ganize a movement for its immediate repeal, by getting up 
such an opposition to the proposed continuance, in whole or 
in part, of the tax, which Vansittart had announced, as would 
insure its abolition. , 

It will be shown presently how we fought the battle, and 
how we gained the victory. Meantime I wrote to Lord Grey 
as follows: 

TO EARL GREY. 
**Dec. 5, 1815. 

“Dear Lorp Grey,—I have had so little worth writing 
about of late that I did not trouble you with letters; nor, in- 
deed, is there much more now to say. I think it material to 
remark that these vile proceedings in France, both in the way 


228 WAR AGAINST [1815. 


of political and religious reaction, are producing, as far as I 
can observe, one salutary effect—they are disgusting even 
~ those who used to be fondest of arbitrary and counter-revo- 
lutionary measures. A great disposition, also, exists in all 
classes to sneer and carp at the treaty. Its complicacy and 
manifest tendency to sow the seeds of new wars are extremely 
apparent; and men, one should think, are at last disposed to 
have a little quiet. Whether they are or not, however, it 
seems plain that we should drive at retrenchment, reductions, 
and repeals of taxes, as the one thing needful. Until the 
peace establishment is brought as low as it can be, the coun- 
try can never have a chance with the Crown, nor indeed with 
the tax-gatherer. We never seem, nowadays, to consider 
whether such and such an item of expenditure can be af- 
forded; all that is asked is, Shall we be the better for the 
article? forgetting that there is a previous question, Have we 
wherewithal to pay for it? Now in wars some pretext may 
be drawn from the urgent necessity of the crisis for such an 
improvident way of going on: in peace it is madness. I have 
sent a plain discussion of this matter, with statements of our 
almost desperate financial situation, to the ‘Edinburgh Re- 
view,’ and hope it may be in time to appear in this number, 
and call people’s attention a little towards so vital an interest. 

“ By-the-way, I dined in company with Erskine t’other day. 
He talks of we and zs as if nothing had happened, and says, 
‘We must drive at retrenchments, that is our game—off with 
the property-tax,’ and so forth. The Princess Charlotte is to 
be kept at Weymouth till after her birthday; but I hear a 
report of the Duchess of Kent’s apartments at Kensington 
being prepared for her. The family quarrel is at its height, 
and the obstinacy of the queen’s unaccountable, except, in my 
opinion, on the supposition of her having some understanding 
with the prince, who is said to have exceeded himself in the 
falsehood of his conduct to all the parties. The accounts of 
the Princess of Wales are worse and worse: she embarked 
on the 17th of November for Palermo, Courier and all—Cap- 
tain Briggs volunteered taking her; and if they have evidence 
against her, I should think he may bring her home, and not 
to Palermo. If they have not, the voyage may furnish it. 
On her daughter’s account, I hope she may not be got rid of, 


AT. 36. ] THE INCOME-TAX. 229 


and it may be said that bad treatment drove her to it origin- 
ally. My opinion is, that they will be afraid to touch her— 
at least until they have evidence of English witnesses ; for no 
Italians would be believed; but the voyage may supply this 
defect in their case. Of course I should not wish to be quoted 
on this subject. I dined on Saturday at Lady Grey’s, and 
on Sunday in Dover Street. Lady Elizabeth was both days 
much better. I had seen her before twice, and she was af- 
fected beyond measure, especially the first time—she hardly 
seemed to know what she was saying. William came to 
town, and there had been an alarm of the fever at Cam- 
bridge, my brother and others having been very ill. This 
rather roused her, and made her think of what was going on. 
But while she continues in Dover Street, she never will be 
much better. 
“Believe me ever yours truly, H. Broveuam.” 


FROM LORD GREY. 
** Howick, December 16, 1815. 

“My pEAR Brovanam,—I have to thank you for two let- 
ters received since I last wrote. I was just going to write 
to you when your last arrived, and that which ought to have 
accelerated my answer in fact retarded it. It is a terrible 
question that you have put to me about going to town. My 
convenience would require that I should remain here till very 
late, if not the whole year: Lady Grey’s health—which has 
not been quite so good lately—that she should have as much 
time as possible to recruit before she goes to be a chaperon 
in London. Public duty I feel that I have none to call me 
away; in that view I have a complete right to my discharge, 
not only from the treatment I have experienced, but from the 
absolute certainty that no exertion or sacrifice that I can 
make will be of the slightest use. But to myself I owe some- 
thing, and to my friends much more; and if they think that 
any thing is necessary, in point of consistency and honor, to 
the vindication of the principles which we have supported, 
and as a record against the abominations that are going on, I 
feel that I ought to be at their command. I was in hopes 
that if I was in London in time for the discussion of the 
treaties, which I think could not by any means be forced on 


230 WAR AGAINST [1815. 


sooner than the end of February, it would be enough. But if 
it is thought material that I should be with you before the 
meeting of Parliament, I will endeavor to get over the real 
obstacles which there are to my leaving this place so soon, 
and to be ready for any consultations in which you may wish 
me to take a part by the 20th of next month. Only give me 
as much time as you can. I have said the same thing to 
Tierney and Holland, who have pressed my coming. I think 
that in all probability the address will be such, and purposely 
framed so, as to require some amendment on our part; but it 
appears to me desirable to avoid a discussion of the treaties 
till they are formally before Parliament. 

“God knows, they afford matter enough for a separate de- 
bate; and it is in general inexpedient, except as far as a gen- 
eral indication of one’s opinions, to anticipate such discussions 
among the general topics of am address, in which the minis- 
ters always have an advantage. I think, therefore, that we 
should confine ourselves to a reserve of any positive declara- 
tion of our opinions till fully informed, and to some strong 
recommendation of economy and retrenchment. 

“These, you say rightly, are the subjects upon which, if 
on any, the public may be brought to take an interest; and I 
am very glad to hear that you have sent an article of this 
character to the ‘Edinbrugh Review.’ I have been regret- 
ting that a fire has not been already opened, and steadily kept 
up from this battery, the only one from which our artillery 
can be expected to produce any real effect. Our drift ought 
to be to connect as much as possible the questions arising 
out of the treaties with questions of this description. Of the 
execrable principle of these treaties, and the scandalous fraud 
by which the country has been led on to support measures 
the real object of which has not only been concealed but de- 
nied—the public will take no heed, if they can entertain a 
hope of a continuance of peace; and if not, of a diminution 
of their burdens—at least that they will not be augmented. 
But if the people can be made to understand that our tri- 
umphs have produced no security, that we must support a 
ruinous establishment in peace to maintain our guaranty of 
the Bourbons—with the risk of a new war and all its conse- 
quences if the French should again rise against them —I 
think it still possible that something may be done. This po- 


ZT. 38. ] : THE INCOME-TAX, 231 


sition, therefore, ought to be taken, and approaches prepared 
for the attacks which must be made in both Houses of Par- 
lament. What I hear in the few opportunities I have of 
learning any thing, confirms the opinion which your letters 
convey, that the treaties are not popular. Even the ‘ Courier’ 
can hardly raise a treble note of exultation. Here, as in other 
parts of the country, the distress is extreme, and the greatest 
impatience is expressed for the meeting of Parliament, in the 
hopes that Lord Buckingham’s something may be done; and 
if nothing is then heard but complimentary addresses, and 
congratulations on successes and treaties which afford no real 
relief, the discontent which is now only heard in murmurs 
may assume a more active, and, I would fain hope, a more 
useful character. You have said nothing of your opinion of 
Ney’s plea on the capitulation. I thought at first that it was 
subject to some doubt, but a doubt could with propriety and 
justice be decided only in his favor. Since that I have formed 
a clearer opinion upon it; and the evidence of Davoust and 
Guilleminet, given under circumstances of such peril to them- 
selves—and capable of contradiction, if it could have been 
contradicted, by other persons equally parties to the conven- 
tion—seems to me quite conclusive. For Ney himself I can 
feel no respect after his repeated changes and desertions, 
though I may think, perhaps, his last desertion of Bonaparte 
more disgraceful than that for which he has suffered; but his 
conduct at his trial and execution must inspire, in spite of all 
such recollections, a strong interest in his favor, when con- 
nected with the manifest breach of faith and the injustice of 
which he has been the victim. 

“Do you know any thing of Carnot? TI hope he will come 
here, though I suppose they would not let him remain. That 
Alien Act ought really now to be done away with; no neces- 
sity for it can be pleaded; and it can only exist as a most 
dangerous engine of power, liable always to the greatest 
temptations to abuse. 

“TY feel deeply for poor Jack Townshend; he was quite 
wrapped up in his son; and from all I hear, the case, I fear, 
is utterly hopeless. 

“ What an unmerciful bore I have inflicted on you! 

“ Kver yours, GRreEY.” 


232 WAR AGAINST : [1816. 


The tactics which had defeated the Orders in Council were 
now employed with entire success to prevent the continuance 
of the income-tax after the termination of the war. The 
ministers had resolved to keep up one-half, or five per cent., 
with some slight modification of the former impost. But 
they saw the risk they ran, being quite certain that we should 
pursue the same course of debating petitions night after night 


which had proved fatal to the Orders in Council. Their only © 


chance lay in the utmost dispatch being used. Accordingly, 
Vansittart, their Chancellor of the Exchequer, on a Tuesday 
in February, 1816, gave notice that he should bring in the bill 
on Thursday. We immediately took the alarm; and in pre- 
senting a petition from one of the London parishes—I think 
Clerkenwell—I gave my notice that I should avail myself of 
all the forms of the House to obstruct a measure which there 
appeared a manifest design to hurry through. Folkestone 
(now Radnor), entirely agreeing with me in opposing the bill, 
strongly seconded my intimation—or, as Vansittart termed it, 
my threat. More petitions were thrown in next day, and Van- 
sittart postponed his bill for a week. Had he ventured to 
bring it in as intended, and hurried on the second reading, it 
would almost certainly have been carried. But the week’s 
delay proved decisive, and I really never doubted that the day 
was our own. Forso many mectings, as I foresaw, were held, 
and so many petitions poured in, that the bill did not make its 
appearance for weeks, and the second reading only could take 
place on the 17th March. Above six weeks were thus spent 
almost entirely in receiving and discussing petitions against 
the tax. It was seen that the campaign of 1812 against the 
Orders in Council was renewed, and under the same leaders, 
Baring and myself. The ministers at first pursued the same 
course of obstinate silence. The Opposition debated every 
petition, but in vain—all the ministers and all their supporters 
held their peace. No arguments, no statements of facts, no 
sarcasms, no taunts could rouse them. The feelings of the 
country, the anxiety of particular constituencies, were referred 
to, but not a word could be drawn from the ministers, and 
hardly from any of their supporters, except those locally con- 
nected with the petitions. But at length it was found that 
this silence did not prevent us from debating, that their plan 


PP 


AT, 38.] THE INCOME-TAX. 233 


had failed to stifle discussion, and that it had only given us 
all the debating, which had proved the more hurtful to the 
Government in the House, and still more prejudicial to them 
in the country. They were, therefore, forced into discussion ; 
and then began a daily scene of unexampled interest, which 
lasted until the second reading of the bill. Each night, at a 
little after four, commenced the series of debates which lasted 
until past midnight. These were of infinite variety. Argu- 
ments urged by different speakers; instances of oppression 
and hardship recounted ; anecdotes of local suffering and per- 
sonal inconvenience; accounts of the remarkable incidents at 
different meetings; personal altercations, interspersed with 
more general matter—all filled up the measure of the night’s 
bill of fare; and all were so blended and varied, that no one 
perceived any hour thus spent to pass tediously away. Those 
not immediately concerned—peers, or persons belonging to 
neither House—flocked to the spectacle which each day pre- 
sented. The interest excited out-of-doors kept pace with that 
of the spectators in-doors; and those who carried on these act- 
ive operations showed a vigor and constancy of purpose, an 
unwearied readiness for the combat, which astonished while 
it animated all beholders. I recollect one or two incidents 
which may be given as a sample of what was daily or night- 
ly taking place. It was in these debates that Castlereagh 
made his famous complaint of the “ people’s ignorant impa- 
tience of the relaxation of taxation,” as he termed it, meaning 
for the relaxation. A very unusual and unexpected petition 
in favor of the tax was presented from some place, and ex- 
cited a good deal of controversy as to its origin, and the quar- 
ters in which it had received support. Ithought this dispute 
quite immaterial; and I applied to the petitioners the anec- 
dote told by Fuller of a conversation at the table of James L,, 
where he dined. The king, addressing Bishops Neale and 
Andrews, asked them if he had not the right to take the peo- 
ple’s money when he wanted it, without all the forms of Par- 
liament? Neale said, ‘ God forbid you should not—for you 
are the breath of our nostrils.” Whereupon he asked An- 
drews, who tried to evade the question; but when the king 
insisted on having an answer, he said, “ Why, I think you 
may take my brother Neale’s money, for he offers it.’ I will 


234 WAR AGAINST [1816. 


not say that, having forgotten the names of the two bishops, 
I may not have substituted two of opposite principles in our 
own day. But I certainly suggested that the prayer of the 
petition should be granted by passing a local act, laying the 
tax upon the places whence the petition had proceeded. 

T recollect a striking instance of the spirit with which these 
debates were kept up to the end. After many weeks, and 
very late in the evening, we having been at it from four 
o’clock, a speaker in one of the many debates sat down after 
he had finished. The whole members upon one bench in- 
stantly rose and said, “ Mr. Speaker.” This drew loud cheers 
from all parts of the House at the unabated spirit and anima- 
tion thus displayed. 

I wrote as follows to Lord Grey respecting our tactics for 
the session and foreign matters : 


TO EARL GREY. 
** Brocket Hall, Friday. 

“Dear Lorp Grey,—As far as I can see, the party have 
a very clear line of conduct before them for this session. 

“1. On foreign politics, to act as our army of observation, 
and seize the occasions of attack which may offer—of course, 
not courting popularity, but not avoiding it; for example, at- 
tacking the abomination of Ferdinand’s conduct; the plan of 
eternal war and regular interference formed by the arrange- 
ment of the Treaty; the profligacy of the Allied sovereigns 
throughout; but keeping many opinions wnder, or at least 
only stating them by way of protest, and then allowing the 
matter to pass as necessary for peace; I mean, that many 
things are quite wrong, and should be reprobated on principle, 
with reference to France; for instance, legitimacy and the 
Bourbon title, which yet, for English interests and to prevent 
war, may be very well passed over except with protest. 

“2. On home politics, to make the great, and regular, and 
constant stand, and with the one rallying word ‘Retrench- 
ment, for the sake of the property as well as the liberty of 
the country. Yours ever, H. Brovenam. 

“Miss Mercer is at Middleton, and with B. Craven; but 
the idea there is that she is only drawing him on, and will not 
do that greatest of follies. They seem to think Flahault has 
a better chance, which would be excellent.” 


AZT. 38. ] THE INCOME-TAX. 235 


TO EARL GREY, 
‘Thursday night. 

“My pear Lorp Grry,—As the propriety of seizing Al- 
exandria, for the sake of preventing the French from getting 
Egypt, will probably be connected with the argument respect- 
ing the probability of their making any attempts on that 
country, it may be useful to consider that Talleyrand, in his 
memoir upon new colonies (written, I believe, in 1796, and 
printed in the ‘Memoirs of the Institute’ for 1802 or 1803), 
points out by various arguments the propriety of the Republic 
exerting itself in the colonial speculations, and of withdraw- 
ing from the West Indies, to push them elsewhere. He par- 
ticularly insists upon Egypt in this point of view. 

“Tt is clear, indeed, that Egypt as a colony would be quite 
inestimable to France. I have collected all the particulars 
relating to this in the second volume of my work on colonies, 
page 333 and seq. But when that was written I had not seen 
Talleyrand’s tract. Great additional weight is derived from 
thence to the opinion that France viewed Egypt as valuable, 
not from its subserviency to schemes of conquest against the 
Kast Indies, but from its capacity of becoming an important 
settlement itself, and a substitute for the West Indies. I 
should think the question more safely argued on this ground, 
and more consistently with the just contempt formerly shown 
to the argument—‘ Not Malta only, but Egypt,’ ete.—than 
upon the ground of danger to India. 

“Ever yours faithfully, H. Brovenam.” 


TO EARL GREY. 
‘*Brocket Hall, Jan. 9, 1816. 
“My pear Lorp Grey,—I suppose you may like to see 
Elgin’s pamphlet; so Huskisson being here, I have asked him 
to frank it. Elgin convicts himself by the answer, and is a 
ruined man if he does not proceed at law against both Twed- 
del and the Review, especially the former.* 





* The controversy about the purchase of the ‘Elgin Marbles” was then 
raging. See article in ‘‘ Quarterly Review,” vol. xiv., p. 513, headed by a list 
Sing y ? »P ’ My 
of documents relating to the dispute. 


236 WAR AGAINST (1816, 


” 


“Palmerston is here as well as Huskisson, but the former 
says little; from the latter I infer that we are to have ample 
field for sport about retrenchments, for he has been saying 
privately to Lady Melbourne that 19 millions establishment 
won't do, it must be 24 or 25!! IfI hear any further news, 
you shall know, but of course won’t mention it again. 

“ Pray give me a few lines to say how you are, and remem- 
ber me. to Lady Grey. 

“T am trying to put Folkestone up to coming forward and 
co-operating cordially.* His feelings and principles are al- 
most all {vith you; and now, that Burdett is so much out of 
the field, he will be invaluable from his character and abilities, 
if he can only muster up spirits enough to take a part. I shall 
remain for some time here or at Panshanger. 

“Yours ever truly, H. Brovenam.” 


TO EARL GREY. 
‘¢ January 11, 1816. 
“My prar Lorp Grey,—I still, more than when [I last 
wrote, feel the necessity of our not going too much into a de- 
tail of foreign, or rather French, affairs, To a certain extent, 
no doubt, they are English, as the army kept in France, and 
the stability of the peace arrangements. But why should we 
pass by or leave in the shade the property-tax, abuses, peace 
establishments, etc., etc., in order to involve aan es in the 
questions about Ney, or Lavalette, or Murat’s being shot? 
Some things, to be sure, are so clear and tempting ‘that we 
can’t resist, and of this class I take the proceedings of Ferdi- 
nand to be; so much so, that I think it ought to be a sub- 
stantive question; for we have both the argument and the 
country with us on it, and the court is committed by the blue 
ribbon against us, and hampered by their relations with Fer- 
dinand, as well as their prejudices (as old as the American 
war) on colonial emancipation. My idea is to give an imme- 
diate notice of this, and to comprehend the slave: trade, the 
subject of Stephen’s pamphlet, which he sent you, and I sup- 
pose you willsoon receive. I shall let him know that it mis- 
carried at first. 





* Afterwards Lord Radnor. 


AT, 38. THE INCOME-TAX. Par 


“'The 5 per cent. property-tax is to be tried, unless the coun- 
try cries out, which I guess it will by certain symptoms, dif- 
fering a dittle from Baring in this. 

“ Yours ever truly, H. Brovenam.” 


TO EARL GREY. 
“* January 22, 1816. 

“My pear Lorp Grrey,—TI was quite vexed to hear of this 
continued persecution of the complaint; but I gather from 
your letter that it is gone for the present, except the lassitude. 

“TJ have a letter to-day from Sierakouski, from the prison, 
where he has been these ten days, suffering every sort of pri- 
vation and annoyance. It is dated the 22d. He writes bit- 
terly of the Zegitime, and with his wonted drollery, though he 
trusted his letter to the post. He don’t say why he is con- 
fined—perhaps he does not know. His letter is full of ‘ Po- 
land,’ which is really very touching, considering his own per- 
sonal injuries. They are getting more satisfied with Alexan- 
der, and hope some real good may be done. 

“As for your letter to Wilson, it don’t signify a straw. I 
am in the same scrape, having written to Sierakouski the only 
letter I ever sent him by the post. Luckily I did not sign it; 
but if published it will be known; and I wrote freely, though, 
I believe, only on Poland and the Magnanime. 

“Ever yours, 3 H. Brovenam.” 
e 
TO EARL GREY. 
** March 14, 1816. 

“My pear Lorp Grey,—My resolutions of daily writing 
to you have been quite frustrated by the heat of the cam- 
paign. It has been, and continues to be, even sharper than 
was expected. You have no tdea of it from Perry, even if 
you could see to read his vile print, which beats my eyes. 
He gives all advantages to the enemy, and makes Castlereagh 
appear to triumph, while he is lower than you can even fan- 
cy. The truth is, we have found that he has a Zory reporter 
as well as a Whig, and it is a mere chance that the truth is 
ever told. Nevertheless you will perceive, even from him, 
that the two last nights have been very decisive, especially 
last night, against the tax. We consider it as almost done 


238 WAR AGAINST [1816. 


for, but this can only be effected by the country backing us, 
and by our continuing daily to attack it. I had begun this 
letter, intending to make it a long and full one, but now am 
called away to have a round with the Tax Board and the 
newly-discovered jobs, so must delay writing further till to- 
morrow. Ever yours truly, H. Broveuam. 

“T obeyed your instructions as to Castlereagh t’other night, 
attacking him as personally as possible, and mean to have his 
Irish affairs brought up.” 


At length came the day when the decision should be given, 
after the debate on the second reading took place. But it 
speedily appeared manifest that there would be a decision 
without any debate; for that had been anticipated, and in- 
deed had taken place over and over again. Even more than 
the usual number of petitions were poured in for some hours, 
many having been reserved for this day. But there was lit- 
tle or no debating upon them, all men being impatient for the 
division, the result of such long-continued labor and such 
lengthened excitement. All was silence and suspense, when, 
about eleven o’clock, Sir W. Curtis, one of the City members, 
moved up the House, carrying a huge petition, which he pre- 
sented without a single remark, as the petition of the great 
meeting at the Egyptian Hall of bankers and merchants of 
London, signed by 12,000 persons. No one could now be 
heard in so impatient a House. At last I rose, and merely 
read distinctly the words of the act imposing the income-tax 
“for and during the continuance of the war, and no longer.” 
The shout which these three words raised I shall never for- 
get. We divided immediately (18th March, 1816), and threw 
out the bill by a majority of 37, which, in reference to the 
snuff known as “ Hardham’s 37,” was called “ Brougham’s 
37; and I remember being represented in a caricature as of- 
fering a pinch of my 87 to the regent.* Mr. Wilberforce’s 
ground of rejoicing was well received—that war and the in- 
come-tax were henceforth wedded together. But we have 
unhappily outlived this pleasing association. 


* On the motion ‘‘ For the continuance” of the tax, the division was—in 
favor, 201; against, 238.—Hansard, 451. 


AT. 38. ] THE INCOME-TAX. 239 


In conducting their case the Government committed two 
capital errors, to which I can hardly say their defeat was ow- 
ing, because, in the state of the country, perhaps nothing could 
have saved them; but these two errors they never wouid have 
committed under abler leadership. One was the allowing me 
to go on and not adhering to their notice of Thursday at all 
hazards; the other was the not debating for the first three or 
four days, which damaged them in the House and in the coun- 
try, and encouraged to an extraordinary degree the petitions. 
Neither of these faults would have been made had the Duke 
of Wellington directed their movements, as he did upon a 
later occasion. On June 7th, 1820, he sat under the gallery, 
and manifestly directed the Government on the important 
day when the proceedings on the queen were armounced. As 
I commanded on the other side, I had reason to know and to 
feel against whom I had to act. There were great difficulties 
in the way of both; but not the least error was committed 
by him, though I believe he was not quite prepared for the 
course which I suddenly took—that is, took without having 
previously communicated to any one but Denman. I have 
never come upon this part of the subject, any more than the 
rest of it, with the duke. I always carefully avoided it, being 
quite convinced that, had his position in the Government been 
different, and his experience in political matters, especially 
Parliamentary, been greater, he would have prevented by his 
authority the whole of the disgraceful affair. 

The method of proceedings by petition and debate is the 
most effectual possible, but is only applicable to particular 
cases. The subject must be of general interest ; the people 
must be strongly excited; they must have leaders in Parlia- 
ment of sufficient weight and experience, and firmly resolved: 
to carry the measure or to defeat it ; and for the most part it 
is much better suited to opposing than supporting a measure. 
it was, therefore, a matter of great regret to all leaders of the 
popular party that the new rule should be adopted, which at 
once made such proceedings impossible—the rule confining 
those who present petitions to a bare statement of the sub- 
stance and the parties petitioning, without a word of remark, 
or even of explanation. I own that I agreed entirely with these 
regrets, and greatly blamed those who introduced the change. 


240 COURT POLITICS. [1816. 


This was natural in one who had had such successful expe- 
rience of the old system, and in such remarkable cases. It 
seemed that the people were deprived of a great security 
against hard measures, and even bad rulers, by this substan- 
tial restriction on the great right of petition. But a consid- 
eration of the consequences which must follow in a reformed 
Parliament from unlimited discussion, has led me to doubt 
the soundness of my first opinion; and the events, or rather 
the talk without events, of recent sessions, has strengthened 
these doubts. I must, however, observe that the allowance 
of debate on petitions has a counteracting or compensating 
tendency not to be left out of view. Ellenborough strongly 
urged this upon my attention after the charges which I made 
at the Glasgow Congress against the House of Commons for 
the session spent in talk; and his letter very powerfully sets 
forth that side of the question. Possibly, without repealing 
the general rule, it might be relaxed on certain specified oc- 
casions. 
TO LADY CHARLOTTE LINDSAY. 
‘** Lancaster, Wednesday. 

“Dear Lapy Cuariorre,—I have been prevented from 
writing to you for some time by a bad kind of accident which 
T had at Newcastle. Iwas overturned, the carriage tumbling 
twice head over heels (or rather wheels), and about a quarter 
of my skull laid bare by the glass.* I bled like a pig, which 
was probably advantageous; and a very skillful surgeon being 
procured, he sewed, and cut, and tied at me for about two 
hours, and then had me taken to a gentleman’s in the neigh- 
borhood, at whose house I had been dining. I was kept there 
a week; but from the bleeding and low regimen, and my good 
habit of body, I recovered without the smallest fever or sup- 
puration, and have again joined the circuit, with only a large 
scar and some weakness. I mention these particulars to con- 
tradict two reports which were immediately raised—one that 
I had lost an eye, if not two; the other, that I was killed— 
both of which are unfounded. <A third was rather diverting 
—yviz., that another man (a very religious man, and an old 
lawyer) had cut his throat at York. 





* See above, p. 66. 


ET. 38,] THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE. 241 


“T learn, from what seems like some authority, that some 
explosion has happened in Lady Douglas’s family, by means 
of a man-servant. Pray let me know if there is any truth in 
it. From the way in which it reaches me, I think it deserves 
being inquired into. 

“Pray tell Lord Glenbervie that I have had a most agrec- 
able account of George Wilson. As I came here I stopped 
at home for a couple of days, where Templeman came on his 
return from Scotland. He had been with Wilson for a week, 
and reports him to be in excellent health ‘and spirits, taking 
much exercise without fatigue, and that there is not the least 
foundation for the unpleasant accounts in town last June re- 
specting him.* 

“Remember me to Lord and Lady G., and believe me ever 
yours truly, H. Broveuam. 

“ My address now is, ‘Brougham, Penrith.” - 


The following very interesting letter, on the subject of her 
marriage, is from the Princess Charlotte to Lady Charlotte 
Lindsay : 


THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE TO LADY CHARLOTTE LINDSAY. 


** Cranbourn Lodge, March 19, 1816. 

“My pear Lapy Cuarnorre Linpsay,—I hasten, with 
much pleasure, to thank you for the kind letter *you have 
written to me, dated the 16th, on the occasion of my approach- 
ing marriage. You must allow me to call you (and as such 
to put you upon the footing of) an old friend. You may be- 
lieve, therefore, that I was glad to receive your letter, and 
pleased with its contents, 

“As you have known me long, you will believe me when I 
assure you that this has been a long-wished-for event by me, 
that it is really a union of inclination, and which makes me 
very happy. 7 

“In two points of view I am quite convinced that it is the 


* George Wilson, mentioned with affection by Romilly and other contem- 
poraries, was a successful barrister, nearly twenty years before the date of 
this letter, but had to give up his profession for his health, From a state- 
ment in the ‘‘ Memoirs of Romilly ” (vol. i., p. 434), he must haye died soon 
after the date of the letter, 

Vor ll sL, 


242 THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE. [1816. 


best possible thing for this country (a subject I am ever alive 
to): first, in respect to its securing my private and domestic 
comfort; secondly, as to the Prince of Coburg’s relations and 
connections abroad, and his situation of a younger brother. 
Painful as the fact has been, yet I confess the retrospect does 

but enhance the value of the present good obtained, and makes 
' me the more grateful for it, and thankful for the escape I 
made. I can with truth say that not one hour of my life have 
I ever regretted the line I took on a former occasion. 

“Nothing you can utter in the Prince of Coburg’s praise 
is too much; . . . indeed, he deserves all possible praise and 
admiration; for his is not an easy task, situation, or game to 
play. The more he is known, the more, I am sure, this coun- 
try will be inclined to confide much in him, as he has a head, 
a heart, and abilities of no common sort—indeed, I may add, 
that fall to few mortals. 

“ His attachment is certainly entirely personal towards me, 
and not from my situation. It began at a time when he felt 
he had little or no chance. I am, therefore, most singularly 
fortunate—certainly no princess or prince before me ever hav- 
ing been able, I believe, to form a matrimonial alliance from 
inclination. 

“TJ am sure you will have been delighted, as I was, at the 
manner in which the question, etc., went off in the House; 
and as I feel Opposition acted handsomely, and made their 
allowance too liberal, it will be my anxious wish and study to 
prove myself worthy, and grateful to my country and its rep- 
resentatives for all they have said and done for me, by set- 
ting a moral and well-principled example before them—an ex- 
ample they have long stood in need of; the importance of 
“which no one is better aware than yourself. 

“ You did quite right introducing your brother and Miss 
Hayman to the.... 

“J shall not delay writing to that excellent creature, whose 
letter is worth any thing to me, from its natural and undis- 
guised feelings of warm and real affectionate interest about me. 

“T trust you have been quite well. Pray remember me to 
all those of your family to whom I am personally known, and 
assure them of my continued regard. As to yourself, dear 
Lady Charlotte Lindsay, believe me ever to be-yours most 
sincerely and truly, CHARLOTTE.” 


ZT. 38. ] CORRESPONDENCE. 243 


Before I left London I received the following from Lord 
Lansdowne: 


FROM THE MARQUIS OF LANSDOWNE.—[ Private. | 


“*Bowood, July 28, 1817. 

“ My pear Brovenam,—I am obliged to you for your let- 
ter dated York, and for the frankness with which you have 
explained yourself to me on the present state of parties and 
opinions in Parliament, or rather in the House of Commons, 
to which your observations more particularly apply. 

“T can not have the least hesitation in communicating to 
you with the same openness and freedom what occurs to me 
on the same subject, relying that you will not attribute my 
dwelling upon it at so much length as I fear I must, to any 
importance I myself attach to that opinion, but to the suppo- 
sition you have stated, that it might possibly have some in- 
_ fluence with others. 

“The circumstances you complain of, as well as much that 
is complained of by others, appear to me to arise not so much 
out of any particular. or personal views entertained by indi- 
viduals, as out of the state of the party (if party it can be 
called) generally termed Opposition. There are two modes 
in which a parliamentary opposition may be conducted: one, 
that of a constant and confidential intercourse between per- 
sons closely united in opinion, by means of which not only 
the measures to be pursued, but the tone and spirit in which 
they are to be pursued, is previously considered and de- 
termined ; this necessarily implies either the existence of an 
eflicient leader, or of some equally effectual mode by which 
such a communication as I have described can be regularly 
maintained; the other, that of allowing all the persons or 
small parties of persons opposed to, or unconnected with, the 
Administration, to pursue their own separate causes, and in- 
dulge their own tastes and tempers—which must occasionally 
differ very much—without much attempt at securing a gen- 
eral co-operation except on a few great questions, when the 
interest excited or the prospect of success serves as a rally- 
ing-point of itself. The last, whatever it was originally, has 
for some time (without stopping to inquire from what cause 
it has proceeded) been de facto the state of the present Op- 





244 LORD LANSDOWNE. [1817. 


position. It is certainly the least pleasant to individuals, 
because it leads unavoidably to such misunderstandings—or, 
to describe it more justly, such want of understandings—as 
your letter more particularly refers to; and it must prove 
less formidable to the Administration in its result, although I 
am not at all sure that it may not, from its uncertainty, be 
more vexatious to them in its details. But the question to 
consider is, whether there is a choice between the two sys- 
tems; for I confess I do not perceive where that control or 
direction which is necessary to govern the motions of a party 
as of any other body of men is to be lodged, so as to obtain 
the general and willing acquiescence of all its members. I 
wish that you, who are better acquainted with the scene and 
the actors, could tell me that you do. 

“ Of what passed in debate towards the end of the session 
I can only judge from the impressions of others. Of the 
proceedings on ©. Wynne’s bill, to which I felt myself some 
objections, I am quite uninformed, except having collected 
from the newspapers that there was much difference of opin- 
ion about it. The address, indeed, you moved was, from the 
nature of the proceeding, a question of greater delicacy.* Of 
its merits as a composition I can say nothing, since I looked 
for it in every newspaper at the time without being able to 
find it; and although I heard some expressions quoted as ob- 
jectionable which did appear so to me, they could not enable 
me to judge of the whole. But I confess it has always ap- 
peared to me that if any Parliamentary proceeding required 
to be adopted with more consideration than another, it is that 
sort of manifesto or state-paper record of opinions on a varie- 
ty of great and important subjects. However well composed, 
it seldom, from the period of the session at which it is moved, 
produces any effect, except as far as it affords room for at- 
tack to hostile newspapers; and although it may only repre- 
sent the sentiments of an individual, yet as that object could 
be more effectually announced by a pamphlet or a published 
speech, it has always been supposed to represent those of a 
party, which, not to speak of the difficulty of collecting and 





* Motion for an address to the prince regent on the state of the nation, 
11th June, 1817. 


ZT, 39.] ILL HEALTH. 245 


stating them accurately, seldom benefits by such a declaration 
unless strongly called for. Burke’s, in ’84—an admirable pa- 
per of this description—was, I have understood, not thought 
very expedient by those most competent to judge, though it 
had been much considered beforehand. 
wt ** *K * i ** * 
“Yours most truly, LANSDOWNE.” 


After the session was over, instead of, as usual, joining the 
circuit, I resolved to give myself a holiday, as I had for some 
time been suffering from the effects of a severe attack of 
pleurisy, followed by a return of my illness of last year. I 
was throughout attended by Dr. Baillie, whose kindness as a 
friend, and marvellous skill and sagacity as a physician, were 
unequalled. 

I may here mention an instance or two of the latter quali- 
ties. - 

My complaint, independent of the pleurisy, had all the ap- 
pearance of an organic affection, being a great and irregular 
pulsation of the aorta, which every foreign doctor whom I had 
consulted when abroad at once pronounced aneurism. Dr. 
Baillie was clear that it was nothing of the kind, and we tried 
it in every way. J, maintaining it was organic, on one occa- 
sion said Ishould run quickly up stairs. “ Mind,” he said, “I 
don’t advise you to run up stairs.” However,I did; and 
came down safe, which he said I never should have done if it 
had been aneurism. “ But,” I said, “you were not at all cer- 
tain, for you advised me not to try it.” He said, “ Recollect 
I have often told you that we can not look through you as if 
you were made of glass. But I had every reason, from the 
symptoms, to believe it was not organic, and was like some 
other cases I have known.” He, however, considered my mal- 
ady resembled that of Henry Thornton, not as to the irregular 
action, but as to cough and other symptoms; and he men- 
tioned Pennington having differed with them all on Henry 
Thornton’s case, and proving to be in the right. The case 
terminated fatally; and when Pennington, who had gained 
great credit on that occasion, was consulted in my case, he at 
once pronounced it to be pulmonary affection. But Dr. Bail- 
lie said he was positive it was no such thing; and he proved 


246 HEALTH. [1817. 


right. Thus one sees the difference between a first-rate man 
and an inferior one, however able. Pennington was led away 
by one instance; Baillie relied on his general experience. I 
have known other cases in which he pronounced the most con- 
fident opinion against practitioners who confined themselves 
to one class of diseases, and in that class supreme, and yielded 
to by all others, and in which Baillie’s holding out against 
them was reckoned extreme presumption. 

But of all Baillie’s guesses, as he used to call his carefully- 
formed opinions, the most remarkable was in the case of Hor- 
ner, as was proved after his death in February, 1817. He had 
been ill for some years, and many physicians, both in London 
and Edinburgh, and in Paris also, had been consulted, and 
from all their opinions Baillie at once and very confidently 
differed. When he came to propose his own, he confessed 
the extreme uncertainty in which so obscure and difficult a 
case had left him, after repeated examination of all the symp- 
toms. However, he conjectured that it was one or other of 
two diseases, so rare that he had only seen a case or two of 
the one, and of the other he had only one example in his mu- 
seum of morbid anatomy; and he said that unhappily there 
was no cure for either. When Vacca, at Pisa (where Horner 
died), opened the body, it was found that both the diseases 
existed. I think the one was an enlargement of the air-holes 
of the lungs, the other a hepatization—that is, their conver- 
sion into a liver-like substance.* 

Mackintosh used to say that this melancholy case reminded 
him of the ludicrous one in “ Don Quixote,” of Sancho’s uncle 
having such skill in flavors as to be able to conjecture that the 
wine in a cask tasted of leather and iron; and thata key tied 
to a thong was found at the bottom when they came to emp- 
ty the barrel. I must add as to Baillie, that Sir Henry Hal- 
ford is most unfortunate in his quotation from Tacitus, as he 
is most unfair in the opinion he pronounces, that Baillie is a 
good, but not a great,man. “ Bonum yirum facilé crederes, 
magnum, libenter,” applies to Agricola’s cowntenance merely.t 

Having, as I said, resolved to give myself a holiday, I deter- 





* See Leonard Horner’s “Life of Francis Horner,” vol. ii., pp. 381, 434. 
t Tac., Ag., 44. 





“£7, 89.] VISIT TO FRANCE. 247 


mined to spend the autumn abroad. After proceeding to 
Switzerland, I went on to Florence. When at Geneva I 
wrote as follows to Lord Grey: 


TO EARL GREY. 


“* Geneva, August 27, 1817. 

“ My pear Lorp Grey,—I wrote some weeks ago to Lord 
Rosslyn, and begged him to communicate my letter to you; 
not that it contained any thing worth reading, but because I 
had no further or better remarks to offer you. Since that 
nothing else has occurred. The multitudes of English who 
continue to flock here exceed belief. Ihave had quite enough 
of this odious country, and am going on to Milan to-morrow. 
Before setting out there is a matter I wished to canvass with 
you (as I did with Lord Rosslyn) before I left town, and I 
missed you once or twice when I called for this purpose. It 
relates to szarlett, in whom I can not help feeling a peculiar 
interest, from a long and intimate knowledge of his many val- 
uable and excellent qualities, and especially of his great and 
signal attachment to the party through all fortunes, and in a 
situation where such zeal and honesty and courage are seldom 
seen—I mean that of a man rising towards the head of our 
profession. He has now indeed reached the heights of it, 
and will presently be at the very top. He continues equally 
attached to us, personally and politically, though the tempta- 
tions are trebled to be neutral. His value to our cause is aug- , 
mented in proportion; and when the age of some of our law- 
yers and the indifferent health of others is considered, as a 
mere professional friend in the party his value is not trifling. 
Now, what I would suggest is this: he has twice stood a con- 
test for Lewes, spent his money and his labor, and failed, 
though he has certainly formed a strong interest there, and 
has a very fair prospect of succeeding next time, though it 
will require additional expense as well as labor. To bestow 
this he has no sort of reluctance. But he would spend his 
money naturally enough with much greater freedom were he 
sure of its not being thrown away. Therefore, suppose you 
have no one whom you prefer, and that you have a seat to 
spare, it seems desirable to come to some such understanding 
with him as this: you shall have a seat at all events, but you 


248 VISIT TO FRANCE. [1si7. 


are to do your utmost to bring yourself in for Lewes. Ifyou 
succeed, well—if you fail, we bring you in. This might not 
be safe with every body; but Iam sure, from what I know of 
Scarlett’s great sense of honor, and also his desire to carry 
Lewes, it is quite safe with him; and, instead of relaxing, will 
redouble his efforts. Were he uncertain, he might. feel (and 
I know he does feel), as a man with a family depending on 
him, hardly justified in spending much money at a hazard. 
Pray turn this matter over in your mind, and let me know 
how it strikes you. 

“The Lansdownes come here to-morrow, and the Jerseys 
are coming in a few days. I had fixed with an Italian friend 
to cross the Simplon together to-morrow, and can not put him 
off; otherwise I should have wished to remain a week with 
them, having been here while there was no tolerable society. 
My travelling companion is a distinguished Liberale, of very 
high birth, who has just refused an archbishopric from princi- 
ple. With best compliments to Lady Grey, believe me ever 
yours most truly, H. Brovenam. 

“Address—Aux soins de Messieurs Marietti, Banquieri, 
Milan.” 


As the election of the Chamber of Deputies was to take 
place in September (1817), I resolved to go to Paris, the Hol- 
lands haying determined to do the same. My stay there was 
short, and I was so fully occupied that I had no time to write 
to Lord Grey ; but on my return to London in October I gave 
him an account of my visit in the following long letter: 


TO EARL GREY. 
** London, October 20, 1817. 

“My prar Lorp Grey,—I did not write while I was at 
Paris, very much from an apprehension that my letters might 
be opened, and from wishing to have the power of saying I 
never had written at all on what was going on. The watch 
kept on me—by the police, I presume, for what I did one day, 
even late in the evening, was in the next morning’s papers— 
was extremely disagreeable; and the Ultras (who are the 
greatest fools in the world, without any exception) kept up a 
succession of the most absurd reports from day to day—as 


ZT. 40.] CORRESPONDENCE. 249 


that Lord Hollind and myself were come over to canvass 
(Holland being nailed to his chair with the gout), and that we 
went to the trials to influence the jury—Holland being con- 
founded with Lord Glenbervie, and a kind of Centaur made 
out of Ellenborough and myself by the name of Lord Ellen- 
brougham. I saw, however, the whole of the Paris elections 
in a very satisfactory manner, so as to understand completely 
the way in which the new machine works. It answered very 
well, upon the whole. The greatest interest was felt by the 
electors, and by all ranks of people, which is a vast point. 
The press, you are aware, as far as newspapers are concerned, 
is under a strict censorship, which I believe to be in some de- 
gree necessary; at least I am sure it would be absurd to set 
the papers all at once free, though by far a worse absurdity 
is the manner in which the control is exercised, not a remark 
of any kind unfavorable to the Government or their measures 
being ever permitted to appear. So far is this carried, that 
no one paper was ever allowed to publish the names of the 
Opposition candidates, much less their addresses. The con- 
sequence was that daily they printed thousands and ten thou- 
sands of pamphlets of all sizes, from three and four to forty 
and fifty pages, and these were distributed liberally by them 
and their friends, and devoured, rather than read, by the vot- 
ers and others. This became quite a system, and answered 
perfectly. ‘They also had committees regularly formed, and 
canvassed, though not personally, yet very actively, by means / 
of their friends. Only one candidate canvassed himself, and 
he had no success; but this squeamishness is going off, and 
another time they would go to work plainly and openly. The 
ministers were not idle: they both treated and bribed. Per- 
sons of the most ordinary description having any influence— 
that is, commanding a few votes—were invited to dine with 
M. Decazes and the others by dozens; and inferior persons 
fed the lower voters and their friends. Gross instances of 
bribery are mentioned, and will be complained of at the meet- 
ing of the Chambers; but I mention the matter rather to show 
that there are good symptoms of the importance attached to 
the election by the court as well as the inhabitants generally, 
The three Opposition members. chosen are, it is true, bank- 
ers; and no doubt their money, and still more their influence 
Tie 


250 STATE OF FRANCE. (181%. 


among tradesmen and other mercantile people, insured their 
return. But Manuel (a very clever man, and most hateful to 
the Royalists) had a great support; and even Constant and 
Lafayette (whom the court made the chief run at) polled 3000 
and 2500, or thereabouts. Lafitte lent them his support, I am 
aware; but it is no small thing that any influence should pre- 
yail so far against the Court on a question so personally often- 
sive as Lafayette’s election. I can not regret the Opposition 
having lost those three, especially Constant and Lafayette, for 
it would have been too great a victory to have done real good. 
The panic of the Court was at its height the second day, when 
there was a chance of their return, and it gave rise to a de- 
eree of violence not to be described. They tried to make some 
disturbance at the places of balloting, that they might have a 
pretext for calling in the gendarmerie and declaring the elec- 
tions null. This was prevented by the warning the others had 
of it, and their resolution to bear every thing rather than 
make the least noise. Then the Royalists spoke of nothing 
but repealing the law of election (to which they still owe a 
sufficient grudge); and I am confident, had they been beaten 
—that is, had Lafayette been chosen—some violent act would 
have been done. In all probability the law would have been 
suspended; and while the Allies are in France, it is plainly 
not the interest of the Opposition to drive the Court to such 
acts of force. I conclude that you are aware of the manner 
of election and the qualification—viz., direct taxes answering 
to about £75 ayear income, unless in the case of shop-keepers, 
who may have much less, as they pay a shop-tax called patente. 
I have no doubt that some attempt will be made to disfran- 
chise those patentés ; for they being all the bourgeoisie of 
Paris, the strength of the Opposition lies there. That the 
election is quite popular enough as it now stands is evident, 
there being nearly 10,000 voters for Paris. A few, and but 
a very few, alterations in their other laws would give them a 
fair chance of liberty. The worst is the unlimited power of 
delaying a man’s trial, and the system of secret interrogatory 
connected with it. The secret imprisonment is contrary to 
law, but there are no legal means of checking the abuse. The 
parties are in a strange state. The Russian influence (which 
is all-powerful) had turned out Duc de Feltre, ete., of the Ultra 


ZT. 40.] STATH OF FRANCE. 254 


party, the day before I got there; and the rage of the latter 
against the ministerial party was beyond describing. The 
most sensible men of the Constitutional or Opposition party 
held it wise to look towards a gradual union with the minis- 
ters against the Ultras; and the Russians had a plan of the 
same kind, but with this defect, that they wished the Opposi- 
tion to be got into places one by one at long intervals, which 
was manifestly objectionable. However, the election, and still 
more the personal abuse of Molé by Constant, Molé being the 
proper link between the Opposition and ministers, has for the 
present rendered this very difficult, and produced a coalition 
between the Ultras and ministers. I don’t think this can last, 
for the Ultras consist of two bodies—one small in numbers, 
and most contemptible in every respect, who desire the de- 
struction of the Charte and Legislature, and the restoration 
of all the old system in Church, State, and property; the oth- 
er a much larger and more rational, at least a less insane, class, 
who wish only to turn out the ministers and get the govern- 
ment into their own hands, when I verily believe they would 
go on pretty much as the present men do, though leaning 
more towards arbitrary measures. The whole party taken to- 
gether is formidable in numbers, having from seventy to eighty 
in the Chamber before the dissolution, and having lost only 
about ten or twelve ; having also the chief places in the proy- 
inces in their hands, civil as well as military—for only four- 
teen or fifteen prefects have been dismissed since they were 
turned out last year. The Opposition count now above thirty, 
having gained most of those lost by the Ultras. 

“ How it is all to end one can not very well guess, but I am 
quite sure that no material change will take place during the 
king’s life. And even at his death, if—which is likely—he 
lives two years or more, I should apprehend that the univer- 
sal dislike of revolution will keep things quiet, unless the 
Count d’Artois is crazy enough to attempt any thing very 
violent—as Church property, which I dare to say he will 
promise the Ultras until he is king, and then find he can not 
do it without too great a risk. There are numbers of discon- 
tented people all over the country, I doubt not, especially the 
half-pay officers ; and a very strong feeling of admiration for 
Bonaparte exists almost everywhere. But every day lessens 


252 CORRESPONDENCE. [1siv. 


the numbers of the half-pay and the force of such feelings for 
any practical purpose. And as soon as the people have had 
a few years’ rest—perhaps even before—they will be quite 
ready to join in any military enterprise under the Bourbons, 
whose power would be completely consolidated by even a 
tolerably successful campaign. As for the Allies remaining, 
it seems great folly. Every day they stay makes their re- 
moving more difficult; and it seems clear to me that if they 
mean to go at all, the sooner they go the better. 

“Remember me most particularly to Lady Grey and the 
Lambtons and Flahaults, and tell Flahault that I saw Madame 
de Staél the day before I left Paris, quite well. I came very 
quick, having dined on the Monday at Paris and left it be- 
tween eight and nine, and got to Hothfield two hours before 
dinner on Wednesday. The Hollands go somewhat slower, 
expecting to be ten days on the road to Calais, but they are 
setting out about this time. 

“JT was much edified with your Newcastle dinner, which 
seems to have answered most perfectly in every respect. I 
shall write to Lambton on Monday, and I fear before that we 
shall have news of conviction at Derby. When I saw Cross 
was to be leading counsel, I was satisfied it must be a desper- 
ate case to fail, but a jury of twelve farmers seems decisive. 

“TJ have seen nobody and heard nothing since I came, but 
shall probably before Monday. 

“Yours ever, H. Brovewam.” 


TO EARL GREY. 
** October, 1817. 
“Drar Lorp Grey,—l inclose a letter, which I have just 
received from a Colonel Rook, whom I don’t know, but it 
confirms the favorable accounts, and contains information re- 


specting the proceedings of Government as to the Independ- , 


ents. Pray return it. 


“A number of people have been speaking about a subscrip- | 


tion (confined to small sums, as £3 or £5) for the persons 
confined under the suspension, who are really (I believe) in 
_ the greatest distress at this season. I said the bullying way 
in which Cobbett had taken it up made one averse to it, but I 
promised to write to you. The proposition did not come from 


ZT. 40.] DEATH OF THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE. 253 


any of the lower class of reformers, but from some friends. 
Pray say how it strikes you. I have great doubts, chiefly 
because we shail not be able to raise any thing considerable. 

“As for next session, I know as little of it as of the next 
world; but I think the best chance we have of a fair muster 
is to leave things alone, and not to seem at all anxious—in- 
deed it would be difficult to e very anxious—about what our 
friends do. Any efforts one makes only slacken people, and 
make them angry or suspicious; and they really treat you 
for trying to serve them as if you were serving yourself. I 
think Burke once remarked that no man ever busied himself 
for the party without incurring this suspicion; but now they 
wish you not to do any thing, from a shabby fear of its keep- 
ing them out of place—place, of all things! 

* Yours ever, Hy 


Early in November, the union between the Princess Char- 
lotte and Leopold, which—royal though it was—promised so 
much happiness to them, and held out such satisfactory hopes. 
to the nation, was suddenly brought to an untimely end by 
the death of the princess, shortly after, if not concurrently 
with, the birth of a male child still-born. 

This most melancholy event produced throughout the king- 
dom feelings of the deepest sorrow and most bitter disappoint- 
ment. It is scarcely possible to exaggerate, and it is difficult 
for persons not living at the time to believe, how universal 
and how genuine those feelings were. It really was asif every “ 
household throughout Great Britain had lost a favorite child. 

It is bootless to indulge in speculations and surmises, but 
Grey and I in discussing the event took somewhat different 
views. He held that death had mercifully saved Princess 
Charlotte from what would have been, to her, the fearful con- 
sequences of the disgraceful proceedings against her mother. 
I, on the other hand, felt persuaded that, had she lived, the 
proceedings of 1820 never would have seen the light. Even 
against her standing alone, George IV. would scarcely have 
ventured to have instituted them ; but against her supported 
by Leopold, he would have found such a course impossible. 
For Leopold, of all men I have ever known, possessed every 
quality to insure success against such a man as George IV., 


254 THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE. [1817. 


and even against such ministers as had weakly, if not dishon- 
estly, done his bidding in 1820. 

His qualities were indeed of the highest order, and among 
all the foreign princes ever connected with England he stood 
pre-eminently high—second to none, save one, the great and 
good Prince Albert, of whose inestimable qualities none were 
more remarkable than the great judgment he showed, and the 
bright example he displayed, in bringing up his children. 
Great as was the sorrow throughout the land at his unlooked- 
for death, I fear me there may be yet greater grief for the 
loss of so wise, so sure a safeguard from evils yet to come; 


but let me hope these may be only the forebodings of the old i 


man of eighty-four. j 
As connected with the Princess Charlotte, I give the fol- | 
lowing extract from a letter I wrote to Lord Grey: | 


‘¢ November 6, 1817. 
** * ** * 2 # * 

“This is indeed a most melancholy event, and likely to lead 
to great difficulties; but of this hereafter. 

“ Vansittart wrote to a friend of mine this morning, saying 
that till half-past eleven the princess was going on as well as 
possible; then some bad symptoms appeared; and at half- 
past twelve all hope was over (this differs a little from th 
Gazette). Vansittart adds that she behaved ‘ with great firm\ 
ness and resignation, which looks as if she had been sensibl¢ 
to the last. It is believed to have been a hemorrhage, owin 
to a bad conformation. The child was killed to save her 
She was extremely agitated by its death, which they trie 
to conceal from her; but she was so impatient about seeing 
it that they were obliged to tell her. The account of M™ 
Lieven is that she fell ill from this moment; but I take Te- 
gart’s* to be the medical account, and I have given it above. 

“ The prince arrived at Carlton House at nine this morn- 
ing, from Suffolk. He got out of one carriage into another, 
and went to Claremont. His being away, and the whole fe- 
males of the family also, gives great dissatisfaction. 

“] quite agree as to the subscription. As to the Spanish 











* Tegart, an apothecary of great skill and high medical character, who 
lived in Pall-Mall. 





ZT. 40. ] THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE. 255 


dinner, I have my doubts, though Wilson has mistaken me in 
thinking I wanted to see a party dinner. *It was only that 
the City people who take an interest in it should do some- 
thing of the kind. But there are such serious reasons on the 
other side that it is much better not to think more of it. <At 
all events it should be left to themselves. 

“So now we are left without heirs to the throne. If our 
friend M™ de F. had chosen, she might have been queen—at 
all events, mother of a king or queen; but she is far better as 
she is. Pray remember me most kindly to her, if she is still 
with you. 

“T grieve to hear of your two attacks. Is it true you had 
also a tumble on horseback? As you are not a Yorkshire- . 
man, you may perhaps admit it, if true. 

“Yours ever, LE Bale ty: 


TO EARL GREY. 
“Noy. 15, 1817. 

“My DEAR Lorp Grey,—The grief is somewhat overdone, 
but it must be annoying to the prince beyond every thing, 
and will soon be more so when certain things are recollected. 
It is very well for the present to be abstinent on this score, 
but it mst soon be taken up. 

“ Pray did not the prince appoint all her household himself, 
and contrary to her list which she gave in? Do you recollect 
any thing else that might be kept in view? The blame at- 
tached to the physicians is overdone also; but certainly the 
having only Croft was a great omission, and prevented him 
from boldly sacrificing the child. 

“The heir-apparency being, as it were, in commission, will 
be a formidable circumstance, for all the princes may be king 
almost with equal probability; and this raises their conse- 
quence, and they all are Ais enemies. The Duke of Kent 
should marry, and keep out the Duke of Cumberland and his 
family. Ihave reason to know that the match with Leopold’s 
sister is not a fabrication, but I should not like to be cited.* 

“ The Hollands left Paris last Saturday. 

“ Ever yours truly, Hibs 


* On the 11th July, 1818, the Duke of Kent married Victoria Maria 
Louisa, sister of Prince Leopold, the mother of the queen. 


256 POLITICS, [1818. 


TO EARL GREY. 
} ‘* December 3, 1817. 

“My pear Lorp Grey,—There seems to be something 
intended as to the Duke of York’s resigning. From what I 
hear, I really believe he is to give up, and to have his debts 
paid (£200,000). I may say I have this on good authority, 
though I was specially desired to conceal it. It probably 
arises from the prince already beginning to be jealous; and, 
with great submission to Perry, I think it quite uncalled for 
by the change of the duke’s situation, and in every respect 
injurious. It is great folly in the duke himself, if it is a vol- 
untary act. Pray what do you think on this matter ? 

“ Leach is working hard to be allowed to keep the chancel- 
lorship of the duchy, with the new place he is to have— 
whether rolls or vice-chancellor’s; and the chancellor, who is 
not his friend, is very stout against him. Hence, I believe, 
the report that he is opposed generally by the chancellor, and 
to have no promotion. He is said to have called in the Staf- 
ford interest to his assistance by stating Wrottesley’s provis- 
ion as Welsh judge to depend on his promotion; but I rath- 
er suppose he only urged them to back him in the above-men- 
tioned claim of plurality. Richards has refused to leave the 
Exchequer. 

“The abuse of the prince in some of the pulpits has been 
extreme. In a saints’ church at Cheltenham the preacher 
dwelt on a verse in Jeremiah which says, ‘ He shall not reign, 
nor any of his seed.” Some newspapers are even worse. I 
have not seen them, but by those who have, things have been 
repeated to me which I consider as really very injurious. 

“ Ever yours truly, H. Brovenam.” 


FROM THE EARL OF DARLINGTON. 
‘‘Raby Castle, January 7, 1818. 
“My pzar Brovenam,—l entreat you to believe that noth- 
ing could induce me to name the following subject to you, 
but from the great regard that I entertain for yourself, the 
considerable anxiety that I feel to serve our esteemed and 
mutual friends, and for the support of that cause and those 
political principles which I am endeavoring to aid, at immense 


oO ae 





ZT, 40. ] REPRESENTATION OF LIVERPOOL. 957 


expense and trouble, and on a much more extended scale than 
you can possibly be aware of.* 

“The subject I wish to name to you is respecting Liver- 
pool, where I have great reason to believe that Canning (who 
certainly comes forward again) and yourself; if you are alone 
and unattached to any other candidate, would meet with 
success. 

**T have been asked if it is likely you would be induced to 
come forward, by a man of considerable consequence, but the 
question was put to me in confidence not to disclose his name. 
I replied that I could not know your wishes on the subject, 
but I did know that you were already secure in a seat for the 
next Parliament. If, however, the people of Liverpool wished 
- for you, the only way of ascertaining your desire would be 
by a communication direct to yourself, after a meeting had 
been held to ascertain the strength of the interest, and found 
to be such as to bid fair for success, accompanied with an as- 
surance of your incurring no expense. 

“T may possibly hear more on the subject, or it may be en- 
tirely dropped; but if you conceive it unworthy- of your at- 
tention, or of the risk and trouble, I could be prepared to give 
my opinion, if again asked, as to your probable acceptance of 
such an offer, without any suspicion that I had corresponded 
with you upon the matter. 

“TJ trust that you already know me sufficiently to prevent 
your suspecting for one moment that I am capable of naming 
this subject to you for any other motives than those already 
mentioned, as I sincerely assure you how truly gratified I 
shall be by your resuming your situation for Winchelsea; 
and however I may be desirous of making a sacrifice of my 
individual wishes for political purposes, and to add to our po- 
litical strength, yet I should feel much private mortification if 
any circumstance could occur to diminish our intercourse, or, 
I may term it, connection with each other. 

“Lady Darlington desires her best wishes; and believe me 
always sincerely yours. DARLINGTON.” 


* The sums paid by Lord Darlington for boroughs which were afterwards 
engulfed in Schedule A of the Reform Act were prodigious, 


258 DEATH OF ROMILLY. [1818. 


TO EARL GREY. 
‘* January 13, 1818. 
** ** * 2 Xk ES * 
“Tord Holland, Tierney, Sir Philip Francis, Romilly, Pig- 
ott, etc., etc., dined at the Duke of Sussex’s yesterday. It re- 
ally was a very pleasant party, pretty much as if it had been 
in any other house. Francis being asked which champagne 
he chose to drink, roared out, ‘oaming, sir!’ I sat next 
him, and asked him if he had read the ‘ Edinburgh Review,’ 
but he would not touch the subject.* 
“Tn haste, yours ever, H. B.” 


The following refers to Romilly’s death :+ 


TO EARL GREY. 
** November 7, 1818. 

* My pear Lorp Grery,—I wrote to Lambton, and desired 
him to forward my letters to you if you were not with him. 
I have nothing since to add, except that the physicians have 
still kept back, although they admit distinctly having at one 
time ordered ice-bath and bleeding, and only delayed it on 
account of the perspiration, and a doubt not sufficient to dis- 
prove brain-fever. 

“They may have been right or wrong in their treatment; 
in leaving him alone they can not have been right. In keep-_ 
ing back the above material circumstance they are still more 
to blame. I still hope they will all three agree in doing what. 
two of them promised—namely, stating it publicly. 

“The funeral is on Wednesday, and I believe will only b 
attended by Lord Lansdowne, Whishaw, and myself, besides 
one or two near relations. It was found to be necessary that 
a line should be drawn; and the obvious one of excluding z 





not particularly mentioned in the will was adopted. 


rf 
j 





* The Identity of Junius with Living Characters established.—Ldinburgh 
Review, No. LVIL., p. 94. 

t In my ‘‘Sketches of Statesmen of the Times of George III.” I have fee- | 
bly attempted to express my opinion of Romilly, and my veneration for him | 
who was truly ‘‘Jurisperitorum disertissimus, disertorum vero jurisperitis- 
simus.” 


£1, 41.] PARTIES. 259 


“Tt is in vain to regret or repine, but I certainly never 
thought we should live to sustain a loss which might make 
even Whitbread’s seem inconsiderable. Believe me ever 
most sincerely yours, 1. Broucuam.” 


TO EARL GREY. 
‘* November 16, 1818. 

“My pear Lorp Grey,—The subject [Romilly’s death] is 
more and more affecting every day, but one must go on at all 
events doggedly, and try not to think of it. 

“'The old queen is dead to-day at one o’clock. There is 
some idea among the ministers of a short session before Christ- 
-mas: so says report, but I hardly can believe it. Ever yours 
most sincerely, Hb 


TO EARL GREY, 
** Woolbeding, January 1, 1819. 
“My pear Lorp Grey,—I wish you and all yours many 
happy returns of the season. 
_ “Thave been here these two days, and shall stay till Sun- 
day. There are only the Taylors and Fergusons. I never 
saw Lord Robert looking better; and all the family—Pon- 
sonbys included—are in great health and force. 

“No accounts of Francis’s will, and nothing relating to Ju- 
nius has as yet transpired ; but he had some peculiarly valuable 
papers, they say, which he always sent to Drummond’s in a 
box when he left town, and had them back when he returned ; 
and Dudley North has ascertained at Drummond’s that a box 
of this kind used to be deposited there. I conclude that you 
have heard from Tierney or Holland House the statement of 
the ministers, that they are adjourned for five days, and not 
to have the speech till the 21st. It seems like Castlereagh 
being ill—Tierney is persuaded that Reform will be forced 
early on us in some shape, and that we should, if possible, 
agree in supporting some triennial or quadrennial bill. I 
hope the former, for the latter won’t be intelligible enough to 
the country. 

“As for Westminster, the whole subject is too disgusting 
to dwell upon. The effects of the last victory over the Bur- 
dettites are almost done away, and we are fated to see Bur- 


260 PARTIES. [1819. 


dott returm a second member (for one time at least) with the 
votes, if not the good wishes, of some of our very best men. 
It is a very gross attempt in the Hobhouse set to persuade 
us (as they do in private) that Hobhouse. does not stand on 
the Burdett interest. On what does he stand then? Can 
any man fancy that this language will be held for half an hour 
after he is returned—even in private? For at present he 
durst as soon be hanged as hold such language to any body 
but a few of ourselves. As for Bennet—but that subject I 
must abstain from.* He isin ascrape. Kinnaird and Hob- 
house are of course to be the new Burdett party instead of 
Cochrane; the former says he is sure of a seat.t At least 
one knows what he is; of the other we only know that he is 
Burdett’s nominee until he can get a seat elsewhere; and that 
while he tells our friends that he is not of any party, he goes 
about all the ale-houses, comparing the House of Commons 
to the poison-tree in Java, ete., in the very language of the 
Cartwright school. I trust we shall not make any conces- 
sions to the set beyond what we should have done if Romilly 
had lived: nay, I am for conceding less on that account; and. 
it is with me a very great doubt whether we should not still 
abstain from Reform as a party, exactly as we always have 
done. 

“ Of course, as far as my services gO, they are always at 
the command of the party; but after having attacked the 
Burdett school at the end of last session, I should be very 
loath to join in supporting them at the beginning of this. 
Pray remember me most particularly to Lady Grey, and be; 
lieve me yours truly, H. Brovenast.” | 


FROM LORD GREY. 
‘‘Malvern, August 25, 1819. 
“My prar Brovenam,—I always doubted the reality of 
the princess’s intention to come home, and what you say con- 
firms me in the opinion of its being a mere bravado. Her 
REG a eae Te Se tk ee ME C8 





* Henry-Grey Bennet, second son of Charles, fourth Earl of Tankerville, 
born 1777, died 1836. 

+ The Hon. Douglas Kinnaird, a banker in Westminster, third son of 
George, seventh Baron Kinnaird in the Peerage of Scotland. John Can 
Hobhouse, afterwards created Lord Broughton. 


| 


AT, 41.] THE WHIGS AND THE RADICALS. 261 


business, which in any circumstances must be disagreeable 
enough to all who can not avoid taking some part in it, would 
have become much more so by her arrival in England. I 
should, however, have felt some hesitation in taking upon my- 
self the responsibility of advising her not to come ; for if she 
had done so, and played all her game, I am convinced she 
would have beaten the prince and his foolish adviser Leach 
out of the field. Whatever course this business may take, 
we, as a party, have nothing to do but to observe the most 
perfect neutrality, and to decide upon the evidence as we 
should do in any other case. This I for one feel myself en- 
abled to do with the truest impartiality, being, to use a word 
which has acquired some celebrity, quite free from any pre- 
dilections. 

“The Manchester business has been, you see, much more 
serious than you apprehended. According to all the state- 
ments I have got now, even those in the ministerial papers, 
nothing could be. more unjustifiable than the conduct of the 
magistrates in employing the military as they did. Whether 
this will be the feeling of the country remains to be seen: if 
not, the consequences may prove most fatal to the freedom of 
the country: and this indeed is one of the most mischievous 
effects of the proceedings of the Radicals, that by abusing 
popular privileges they establish precedents for abridging 
them. My views of the state of the country are more and 
more gloomy... Every thing is tending, and has been for some 
time tending, to a complete Separation between the higher 
and lower orders of society ; a state of things which can only 
end in the destruction of liberty, or in a convulsion which 
may too probably produce the same result. It has sometimes 
occurred to me that we ought to try once more whether, by 
placing ourselves on the middle ground, condemning the con- 
uct of Hunt and his associates, but strenuously resisting the 
ttempt that is making to attack through them the safe- 
guards of the constitution, we could not rally to our standard 
ull moderate and reasonable men (and a great portion of the 
property of the country), to whom the people might again be 
rought to look as their natural leaders and protectors. But 
s often as I cast my eye back on the events of the last thirty 
qe"; and consider the present state and condition of the coun- 







262 THE WHIGS AND THE RADICALS. [1819. 


try, that hope fails me. The result, therefore, of the consider- 
ation which hitherto I have been able to give to this subject is, 
that we must wait till the meeting of Parliament, unless soon- 
er called forth by some strong manifestation of public feeling 
to take the part which, upon a full review of all the circum- 
stances, our principles and our duty may dictate. 

“T am in a great measure ignorant of the circumstances of 
the doctor’s refusal to present the petitions to the prince. 
There certainly ought to be no improper difficulties thrown in 
the way of such petitions, any more than of petitions to Par- 
liament. But with respect to the latter,a member feels him- 
self bound, before he presents one, to see that it is couched in 
language which does not violate the rules of decency. Is 
there any greater objection to the observance of this principle 
in presenting a petition to the prince than to either House of 
Parliament ? The question, I think, will be, whether the lan- 
guage of the petitions was really improper and insulting. If 
it was not, there can be no doubt that the conduct of a secre- 
tary of state who refused to present them would be subject 
to just reprehension. Ever most truly yours, 

“ GREY. 

“Pray let me hear from you now and then, when you have 
nothing better to do. What do you think of magistrates, in 
the execution of a judicial duty, suspending their proceedings 
and detaining men in prison without examination, for the 
avowed purpose of consulting the ministers of the Crown? 
This indeed seems to me one of the strongest constitutional 
questions that ever occurred. It is a very natural cons¢- 
quence of Sidmouth’s circular.” 


During the spring and autumn of 1819 there had beei. 
meetings held in different parts of England and Scotland, 
some for repeal of the corn-laws, some on the distress in the 
manufacturing districts, others for Parliamentary reforms. 
In the latter, Mr. Hunt, who was a leader among the Radicals , 
generally played a very prominent part. The largest anc. 
most important meeting was held on ground near Manches- 
ter, called St. Peter’s Field, and there the soldiers being called 
in, many of the people were wounded and several killed. 
Hunt was sent to prison on a charge of high treason, which, 


ZT. 41.] THE WHIGS AND THE RADICALS. 263 


however, the Government were wise enough to abandon. 
The tragedy at Manchester got the name of the Peterloo 
Massacre, and produced a vast amount of indignation all over 
the country, and led to “the six acts” being passed during 
that session of Parliament. Nevertheless, the proceedings of 
the Radicals had been unjustifiable; and although not suffi- 
ciently so to warrant the harsh measure of the Government, 
still bad enough to make reflecting men consider that the 
time was come for taking some steps in support of order, but 
not forgetting the redress of the grievances complained of. 
The following correspondence will show what was proposed 
to be done in the way of calling county meetings : 


TO EARL GREY. 


‘* Brougham, September 18, 1819. 

“TJ heartily condole with you on poor Pigott’s death.* 
None knew him better or valued him more justly (and in- 
deed it was quite mutual) than yourself. These repeated 
losses are very annoying, and even dispiriting. 

“What say you to the Lancaster Grand Jury? Think of 
Stanley and Hornby making no stand—if indeed they did 
not. But I am little surprised. Indeed I knew the stuff of 
which juries in that cursed county are made, and foretold 
the result from the first. My only astonishment is their hay- 
ing thrown out a bill for a perfectly new offense—‘having a 
libel in his possession, with intent to publish.’ I maintain that 
if an action be not brought against the magistrate who dared 
to commit for this, and damages be not recovered, any justice 
may henceforward imprison whomsoever he pleases, and in- 
vent new crimes at his pleasure. 

“T perceive symptoms in these counties (Cumberland and 
Westmorland) of requisitions for county meetings on the 
Manchester business; but the requisitionists are not Radical 
reformers, and some of them have advertised to give ‘ the lie’ 
to those who reported them to be so. 

‘“¢ Whether they will be held or not, I can’t tell; for, on be- 
ing applied to, I said that I should be ready to do my duty, 
but I had rather not move early in the business. I am anx- 


* Sir Arthur Pigott, attorney-general in 1806. 


264 THE WHIGS AND THE RADICALS. [1819. 


ious to hear what you hold respecting it, and the tone to be 
taken if they are held. In these counties we have the grand 
advantage of a clear stage and no Hunt, ete. 

“Yours ever, H. Brovenam.” 


TO EARL GREY. 

‘‘Appleby Castle, September 19, 1819. 

“Dzar Lorp Grery,—I am anxious at this moment to 
learn your views of the right course for us to take. ~ 

“Virst, as to the difficult question of meetings ; much may 
be said against it, but, on the whole, I rather incline to hav- 
ing them if we can get several—certainly if we can get a 
good number. The annoyance is very great to us indiyidu- 
ually, and the risk of the Huntites perverting the thing to 
their purposes is imminent. But I can’t help thinking we 
are sure of a friendly reception—wherever we appear among 
the people, only telling them fairly and openly that on certain 
points we differ, and will not therefore now say any thing, 
but that we are resolved to stand by them where we think 
them right, and to do what we can towards redressing griev- 
ances of which we think they justly complain, and towards 
bettering their gencral condition by all the means in our 
power. 

“My fear is that, if matters are left to themselves, we shall 
have a green bag, which is worse than Hunt. And really the 
tendency of things at present—to end in a total separation 
of the upper and middling from the lower classes, the proper- 
ty from the population—is sufficiently apparent and rather 
alarming. 

“If public meetings are held which we can attend, and if 
they treat us ever so badly—even if Hunt and Co. beat us out 
of the field, and the mob take part against us—what then? 
We have done our best to keep on good terms with them, 
without giving up our principles or encouraging delusions ; 
and when they are brought to their senses by the natural re- 
sults of their violence—namely, strong measures on the part 
of Government—they will do us justice and come back to us. 

“ Next, as to the tone to be taken, I think it should be very 
temperate and discreet, arguing hypothetically, ‘ unless some- 
thing quite unknown to us shall come out, etc. We are not 


ZT, 41.] THE WHIGS AND THE RADICALS. 265 


obliged to do more than call for full inquiry, which prejudges 
nothing. However, Government have prejudged on one side 
without any examination at all. 

“JT have thrown out what has occurred to me, but it is 
very material that I should know your views by return of 
post addressed to me at Avendal, as I am going to a dinner 
there, and can hardly avoid breaking ground, which may be 
the opening of the campaign. 

“ Yours ever, H. Brovenam. 

“ Lord Thanet is quite well. We could follow better than 
lead in county meetings, and have resolved to do so. The 
prominent part of Hunt in this matter makes it very difficult 
to hold respectable meetings anywhere. That procession in 
London must damp the feeling about Manchester very much.” 


TO EARL GREY. 
** Grantham, October 24, 1819. 

“Dear Lorp Grey,—These strange things (Lord Fitzwil- 
liam and the new army) are plainly none of Lord Liverpool’s 
doing. I see Wellington in them, and I have little doubt 
that they seriously and desperately intend to change the Goy- 
ernment into one less free.* I should say they did so if they 
passed laws restricting meetings and the press. Nor would 
it stop there. That many will support them cordially, I can 
not doubt. The Radicals have made themselves so odious, 
that a number even of our own way of thinking would be 
well enough pleased to see them and their vile press put down 
at all hazards. And a still larger body of our enemies secretly 
long for a good quiet despotism, not reflecting that its bless- 
ings must (in this country at least) be obtained through long 
civil wars. 

“ Nothing can be more important or more difficult than the 
part cast on us in this crisis; but 1f we continue firm and 
cautious we have a chance of doing something. I question if 
the present overt acts of violence would have been attempted 
but for the late crotchets of some of our friends, and I heart- 
ily hope Morpeth and the Cavendishes may now be cured of 
them. We really must rally and make a great struggle. For 


* Lord Fitzwilliam, deprived of the lord-lieutenancy of Yorkshire. 


Wor, 1M 


266 T. HE WHIGS AND THE RADICALS. [1819. 


this purpose ought we not all to be in town a week before 
the 23d, and to hold a united meeting of the two Houses, and 
enter into some specific resolutions ? There is clearly no me- 
dium between the most complete concert and a total abandon- 
ment of discipline, for any middle course really cripples us 
and plays their game. I make no doubt that the miscreants 
calculate on effecting their desperate purpose at the expense 
of a hard-fought session one month in duration, and then 
meeting Parliament again with the country quietly gagged, 
when the prince has doubtless been taught to expect that he 
may divorce as much as he pleases. I have exhorted Lord 
Hutchinson to come over before the meeting, and if he sees 
the prince again he will be able to give him a last solemn 
warning before embarking in this new and desperate course. 

“Pray let me hear from you the moment I get to town, 
which will not be before Thursday. I shall write to you. 

¢'Y ours, etc., H. Broucuam.” 


TO EARL GREY. 
‘¢5 Hill Street, October 31, 1819. 

“My pear Lorp Grey,—lI grieve to hear of your having 
been ill, but I take it for granted it is the old complaint, and 
you generally used to have a bout of it at the change of the 
weather. ' 

“ Your coming before the meeting is most consolatory, and 
has diffused universal satisfaction. I shall give you a few 
‘ notices,’ 

“Milton writes (on receipt of the intelligence) most stout- 
ly, treating the removal as a real deliverance from the igno- 
miny of executing the orders of such men. We agree in 
thinking Wellington’s hand appears in it. It has not, how- 
ever, altered Morpeth’s opinion as to meetings. I have had 
no answer from the Duke of Devonshire. 

“Murray is just come from Paris, and says Lord Lans- 
downe says ‘ he will do any thing short of shaking hands with 
Hunt, and this must have been before the dismissal. 

“All our other friends (Lord Darlington included) are per- 
fectly stout, which is of infinite moment. We have only to 
pray that no tumults may take place anywhere, and to take 
care that we go on moderately, and in a conciliatory manner, 


aT. 41.] THE WHIGS AND THE RADICALS. 267 


with the very few who sce part of the case in a different 
point of view; and for this purpose an early assembling in 
town and frequent conferences scem indispensable. 

“The accounts from Holland House (of Georgina) are as 
bad as possible. She is just alive. Of course you have heard 
who comes in for ‘ Peterboro,’ which is more than we know 
in town—only certainly not William Ponsonby. He says an 
old friend of Lord Fitzwilliam. By-the-way, William Lamb 
will vote for inquiry. 

“The papers have told you of our Westmorland meeting, 
which went off excellently; but the strange thing is, Lord 
Lonsdale having praised our county (Cumberland) address, 
refused to sign their ultra-loyal one, and rebuked its promo- 
ters. Every body believes it came from Lowther, and they 
add that Lord Lonsdale changed his tone upon the respecta- 
ble Tories, Wallace, ete., refusing to sign. They have now 
substituted a commonplace one. Wilson was going to write 
to-day, but as I wished to do so, he delays till Monday. 

“Lord Thanet comes to-day. 

“ Best regards to Lady Grey and all at Howick. 

“ Believe me ever yours, H. Brovenam.” 


TO EARL GREY. 


** November 1, 1819. 
“ Dear Lorp Grry,— 


* * * oe s oe * 

“The Radical meeting to-day in Finsbury Place is over, 
having failed indeed; they say not above 1200 present. 
These fellows are clearly dished by respectable people coming 
forward. 

“The more I see and hear, the more I conceive some clear, 
short, and firm declaratiotl of the party necessary, separating 
ourselves (without offensive expressions) from the Radicals, 
and avowing our loyalty, but at the same time our determina- 
tion to stand by the constitution, and to oppose all illegal at- 
tempts to violate it, and all new laws to alter its free nature. 
I have, however, had no conversation with any body about it 
-—not even with Lord Thanet—till I heard from you. But 
happening to see the Dukes of Kent and Sussex, they both 
asked anxiously if the party were not disposed to make some 


268 THE WHIGS AND THE RADICALS. [1819. 


such avowal; and on my saying I expected to hear on the 
subject from you, they both desired me to express to you 
their willingness to sign any thing we all agreed on; and the 
Duke of Kent added that he had no wish to put himself for- 
ward as a party-man, but that the late measures, and particu- 
larly Lord Fitzwilliam’s dismissal, alarmed him extremely, as 
indicating evil designs; and that he thought the only means 
of preventing anarchy and the overthrow of the constitution 
was the firmness of such a body as the Whigs in resisting al 
attacks on it; and therefore he desired to sign some such dec- 
laration, and should delay his leaving town for that purpose, 
and to express his opinion shortly in Parliament. I said I 
should communicate this to you, but that I never yet had 
heard the subject of a declaration broached, though I had my 
own opinion upon it. Yours ever, 
“TI. BrouGuaM. 

“T see no way half so effectual of stopping all the present 
cry against us for countenancing Radicals, as well as of as- 
sisting us in fighting against the new measures.” 


AT, 42.] QUEEN CAROLINE. 269 


CHAPTER XVI. 


Approach of the Epoch of the Trial of Queen Caroline.—Retrospect.—Whit- 
bread’s Services. —Pernicious Counter-advyice.—The Milan Commission. — 
Visit to her at St. Omer.—Notes of Conference with the Queen and Lord 
Hutchinson. —Fruitless Advice and Warnings.—Her Determination to re- 
turn.—Arrival in London.—The Green Bag.—Political Source of ‘‘ the 
Bill of Pains and Penalties.”—Negotiations for an Arrangement between 
the King and the Queen.—The Conference.—The Difficulty with the Se- 
cret Advisers. —The Message to the Commons.—The Preparations for the 
Contest.—Opinion on the whole Case.—Aware of Indiscretions, but Dis- 
belief in the Accusations. —The Witnesses. —Adjournment. 


'-T can not recount the great events of 1820 without again 
referring to Whitbread, who continued to the end of his life 
to be the firm and effectual supporter of the queen down to 
the last. I recollect his writing me a few lines to mention his 
having called to see Fitzpatrick, then on his death-bed, and 
how much interest he felt in our proceedings. This was, how- 
ever, in 1814; but one of the last times I saw him, the year, 
after, he discussed the risks we considered the princess to run 
from the machinations of her enemies, and the facilities which 
her residence abroad gave them, and we resolved to urge her 
return, or at least her residing in France or Switzerland. I 
must add that among the advisers of her going abroad was 
Canning. This he owned in the House of Commons, in the 
debate of 1820fupon her return. Neither Whitbread nor I 
were at all aware of it; and this was one of the instances of 
which I always complained of her listening to persons whose 
interference we were not apprised of. We never could object 
to her asking the opinion or even taking the advice of others ; 
but we had good right to complain if she consulted persons 
without letting us know who they were. While she remained 
abroad, many rumors, of course, reached this country; but I 
had accounts which I could better rely upon from those in her 
suite,and there was great ground for alarm at the carelessness 
with which she suffered strangers to make her acquaintance, 


270 QUEEN CAROLINE. [1820. 


and of her gayety and love of amusement leading her into the 
society of foreigners, and thus exposing her to the constant 
risk of false reports being conveyed to England by the spies 
set about her. Nothing, however, was done until the Prin- 
cess Charlotte’s deafh removed one of her steady friends, with 
whom it was not thought convenient to renew a quarrel that 
had proved injurious to all but herself. When she no longer 
remained to take her mother’s part, the Commission was sent 
to Milan, and then it was quite manifest that measures were 
prepared to attack her. My correspondence with some friends 
of the princess, on whom I could entirely depend—as Sir 
William Gell, the Miss Berrys, Lady Charlotte Lindsay, and 
Lady Glenbervie—made it quite clear that, after her daughter’s 
death, she had given up all wish to return; but that the vexa- 
tion of the constant spies she was beset by, and all the mean 
contrivances to lower her in the eyes of whatever court she 
came near, had made her existence intolerable under this end- 
less annoyance of every kind, and that she would be most 
happy if any arrangement could be made for her entire free- 
dom from all vexation. Her wish was to take some royal 
title in the family, and, having her income secured, to be rec- 
ognized by our foreign ministers at whatever court she might 
choose for a time to have her residence. Being on intimate 
‘terms with Lord Hutchinson, a political as well as a personal 
friend, I wrote him a letter, which he was at liberty to com- 
municate to the prince, with whom he was on intimate terms, 
though not at all one of the Carlton House set. Though I 
well knew that the princess would adopt this plan, yet I pur- 
posely avoided any direct communication with her, in order 
that I might not in any way commit her, andsmight state dis- 
tinctly that it was only a proposition which I was disposed to 
make to her, and advise her to consider it. 

The accounts which I had received from persons on whom 
I could rely as to the people who had access to her, and the 
confident statements put about of the Milan inquiry, inclined 
me to join some of the princess’s best and most judicious 
friends in advising her to accept such terms as I had proposed 
in this communication, and to agree with herself in thinking 
her remaining abroad, at least for the present, advisable. I 
expected the proposal would be accepted ; but in case it was 





ET, 42,] HER RETURN. 271 


not, she was not committed by it. I have little or no doubt 
that if the proposal had been at once accepted by the regent 
and his advisers she would have been glad to remain abroad. 
Things were materially changed, however, in January, 1820. 
Upon the king’s death she had become queen, and the difficulty 
became considerable of her position at foreign courts, which 
would have been easy while only Princess of Wales; and then, 
upon becoming queen, she might have retained the title under 
which she had been known before. It must be allowed that 
the regent and his ministers were placed in a great embarrass- 
ment by some of the Opposition (Tierney especially) calling 
for inquiry into the reports circulated, and declaring that with- 
out it they could not vote the allowance for life, her then in- 
come being limited to the time she was Princess of Wales. 
There was also this other difficulty, that the acceptance of my 
proposition could not occasion her remaining abroad without 
din express provision to that effect in the grant. Nevertheless, 
if the annuity had been granted, the omission in the bill of 1814 
being supplied, the prince might have trusted to her comply- 
ing with the understood conditions, and her coming home 
would have been avoided, which was the thing both parties 
desired. Instead of that, she suddenly found herself queen, 
without any arrangement whatever, and under no condition. 
She was at Geneva, and her best friends strongly recommended 
her to remain until some arrangement could be made. But 
she received letters from less discreet parties in England, urg- 
ing her to set out; and she conceived. that if she came near 
England she could more easily negotiate. I was quite con- 
vinced that if she once set out she never would stop short. 
The Milan proceedings were the general topic of conversation, 
and the feeling which had been so strong in her favor before 
she left England, had been revived in consequence of those 
proceedings. Therefore it was quite certain that those who 
had written to her while she was at Geneva would influence 
her as she approached England, by speaking in the name of 
the multitude, and would advise her to throw herself on them 
for protection against the attempts of the Milan Commission 
and those who had set it to work. So it happened. I had 
taken the precaution of sending over my brother James to 
confer with her, and to ascertain who had been examined at 


242 QUEEN CAROLINE. [1820. 


Milan, and as far as possible to find out what kind of evidence 
they had given. It appeared that there was nothing of which 
she had any reason to be apprehensive, except that almost all 
the witnesses were Italians, and some of them turned-off sery- 
ants, and others of disreputable class. But Iremained of opin- 
ion, in which she entirely concurred, that, however impossible 
it might be to prove any misconduct, it was very much better 
to have an arrangement which should supersede all necessity 
of an inquiry, and leave her conduct entirely unimpeached. 

She camé to St. Omer, where I went to meet her, accom- 
panied by Hutchinson and my brother William. I was the 
bearer of a proposition that she should have all the rights of 
queen-consort, especially as regarded money and patronage, on 
consenting to live abroad. Lord Hutchinson‘was the bearer 
of an intimation that on her coming to England all negotia- 
tion must cease. I found her surrounded by Italians, and re- 
solved to come to England. I advised her against this step, 
as it must put an end to all negotiation; for example, upon 
the right to use a royal title, or even to be presented at foreign 
courts as queen. My impression was that she had been 
alarmed at the result of the Milan inquiry, of which most ex- 
aggerated rumors were purposely spread, and that those who 
urged her coming over had succeeded in persuading her that 
her safety would be best consulted by the popular feeling 
which her arrival was certain to excite. A long discussion 
with her had no effect in diverting her from her purpose, 
which I believed to have been fixed before she set out on her 
journey; and she left St. Omer very suddenly, after refusing 
to let Lord Hutchinson be presented to her. | 

The following notes, which passed at St. Omer between the 
parties—i. e., the queen, Lord Hutchinson, and myself—show 
more distinctly the course that the affair took :* 


“Mr. Brougham having humbly submitted to the queen 
that he had reason to believe that Lord Hutchinson had 
brought over a proposition from the king to her majesty, 
the queen has been pleased to command Mr. Brougham to re- 


=e Eee ee a eS eee 


* See Debate in the House of Commons, 6th June, 1820, on the tenor of 
these notes. —fansard, 871. : 


ZET. 42. ] LORD HUTCHINSON TO MR. BROUGHAM. 273 


quest Lord Hutchinson to communicate any such proposition 
as soon as possible in writing. The bearer of this, Count 
Vassali, will wait to receive it from his lordship. 

“* June 4, 1820,” 


FROM LORD HUTCHINSON. 


**St. Omer, June 4, 1820—half-past 1 p.m. 

“ Lord Hutchinson presents his compliments to Mr. Brough- 
am, and requests that he will have the goodness to. present 
his humble and respectful duty to the queen. He is charged 
with a proposition to her majesty, both from the Government 
and with the full knowledge and approbation of the king. 
But before he mentions it to her majesty in form, he must 
look over several papers which contain the intentions of the 
Government, and probably even await the arrival of a courier, 
whom he expects every moment from Paris, and who, un- 
doubtedly, will arrive in the course of a few hours. Lord 
Hutchinson would make the communication immediately, but 
it has not been conveyed to him in any specific form of words. 
It can, therefore, only be collected from the bearing and im- 
port of the several papers now in his possession. Ona trans- 
action of so delicate a nature it is impossible to observe too 
much caution and circumspection; and indeed he wishes to 
convey any proposition which he has to make to her majesty 
with that respectful deference which is due to her exalted 
rank, but, at the same time, with that fidelity which he owes 
to his sovereign, who has intrusted him with a most delicate 
commission, on the occasion and ultimate issue of which de- 
pend such important interests, involving in them the honor, 
happiness, and future destinies of the Queen of England. 
Lord Hutchinson hopes that Mr. Brougham and her majesty 
will impute his request for a short delay only to the proper 
motive, which is that of an anxious wish to bring this painful 
negotiation to an issue equally satisfactory to the illustrious 
personages principally concerned. Lord Hutchinson has not 
time to take a copy of this paper, as he does not wish to de- 
tain the count.” 


I immediately communicated this note to her majesty, who 
directed me to write to Lord Hutchinson as follows: 
M 2 


274 DEFENSE OF QUEEN CAROLINE. [1820. 


“Mr. Brougham is commanded by the queen to express to 
Lord Hutchinson her majesty’s surprise at his Lordship not 
being ready to state the terms of the proposition of which he 
is the bearer; but, as Lord Hutchinson is desirous of a few 
hours’ delay, her majesty will wait until five o’clock, in the 
expectation of receiving 4 communication from his lordship 
at that hour. 

*¢9 o’clock—June 4, 1820.” 


In a couple of hours I received from Lord Hutchinson the 

following letter: =~ 
FROM LORD HUTCHINSON. 
“¢ June 4, 1820—4 o'clock. 

“ Sir,—In obedience to the commands of the queen, I have 
to inform you that I am not in possession of any proposition 
or propositions, detailed in a specific form of words, which I 
could lay before her majesty; but I can detail to you, for her 
information, the substance of many conversations held with 
Lord Liverpool. His majesty’s ministers propose that £50,000 
per annum should be settled on the queen for life, subject 
to such conditions as the king may impose. I have also rea- 
son to know that the conditions likely to be imposed by his 
majesty are, that the queen is not to assume the style and 
title of Queen of England, or any title attached to the royal 
family of England. A condition is also to be attached to this 
grant, that she is not to reside in any part of the United 
Kingdom, or even to visit England. The consequence of 
such a visit will be an immediate message to Parliament, and 
the entire end to all compromise and negotiation. I believe 
that there is no other condition—I am sure none of any im- 
portance. I think it right to send to you an extract of a let- 
ter from Lord Liverpool to me. His words are: ‘It is ma- 
terial that her majesty should know, confidentially, that if she 
shall be so ill advised as to come over to this country, there 
must then be an end to all negotiation and compromise. The 
decision, I may say, is taken to proceed against her as soon 
as she sets her foot on the British shores.’ I can not con- 
clude this letter without my humble though serious and sin- 
cere supplication that her majesty will take these proposi- 
tions into her most calm consideration, and not act with any 


AT, 42,] PRELIMINARIES. O15 


hurry or precipitation on so important a subject. I hope that 
my advice will not be misinterpreted. I can have no possible 
interest which would induce me to give fallacious counsel to 
the queen. But let the event be what it may, I shall console 
myself with the reflection that I have performed a painful 
duty imposed upon me, to the best of my judgment and con- 
science, and in a case in the decision of which the king, the 
queen, the Government, and the people of England are mate- 
rially interested. Having done go, I fear neither obloquy nor 
misrepresentation. I certainly should not have wished to 
have brought matters to so precipitate a conclusion; but it is 
her majesty’s decision, and not mine. I am conscious that I 
have performed my duty towards her with every possible de- 
gree of feeling and delicacy. I have been obliged to make 
use of your brother’s hand, as I write with pain and difticul- 
ty, and the queen has refused to give any, even the shortest, 
delay. I have the honor to be, sir, with great regard, your 
most obedient humble servant, Hurcurinson.” 


Lord Hutchinson’s letter having been stibmitted to the 
queen, her majesty directed me to answer it as follows: 


“Mr. Brougham is commanded by the queen to acknowl- 
edge the receipt of Lord Hutchinson’s letter, and to inform 
his lordship that it is quite impossible for her majesty to listen 
to such a proposition. 

“*5 o'clock, June 4, 1820.” 


To this I received immediately the following reply: 


“St. Omer, 5 o'clock, June 4, 1820. 
“My prEar_ Sir,—I should wish that you would enter into 
a more detailed explanation. But to show you my anxious 
and sincere wish for an accommodation, I am willing to send 
@ courier to England to ask for further instruction, provided 
her majesty will communicate to you whether any part of 
the proposition which I have made would be acceptable to 
her; and if there is any thing which she may wish to offer 
to the English Government on her part, I am willing to make 
myself the medium through which it may pass. I have the 
honor to be, etc., Hurcuinson.” 


276 DEFENSE OF QUEEN CAROLINE. : [1820. 


Before I received this letter, the queen had left St. Omer. 
I therefore immediately forwarded it by a courier, inclosing 
it in the following letter: 


“¢ St. Omer, half-past 5 o’clock, June 4, 1820. 

“Mr. Brougham presents his humble duty to your majesty, 
and incloses the letter which he received from Lord Hutch- 
inson the moment after your majesty left St.Omer. Mr. 
Brougham once more implores your majesty to refrain from 
rushing into certain trouble and possible danger; or at least 
to delay taking this step until Lord Hutchinson shall have re- 
ceived fresh instructions. If your majesty will authorize Mr. 
Brougham to make a proposition like the one contained in 
the other letter, all may yet be well. 

“ But your majesty will put an end to every kind of accom- 
modation by landing in England.” 


This letter and the following were written after the queen’s 
abrupt departure, and were sent off to her by a couricr to 
Calais: 

** St. Omer, June 4, 1820, 6 o'clock. 

“Mapam,—I entreat your majesty once more to reflect 
calmly and patiently-upon the step about to be taken, and to 
permit me to repeat my deliberate opinion. I do not advise 
your majesty to entertain the proposition that has been made. 
But if another proposition were made instead of it, I should 
earnestly urge your majesty to accept it—namely, that the 
annuity should be granted without any renunciation of rank 
or title or rights, and with a pledge on the part of the Goy- 
ernment that your majesty should be acknowledged and re- 
ceived abroad by all the diplomatic agents of the country ac- 
cording to your rank and station, but that your majesty should 
not go to England. The reason why I should give this advice 
is, that I can see no real good to your majesty in such an ex- 
pedition, if your majesty can obtain without going all that it 
is possible to wish. I give this advice, most sincerely con- 
vinced that it is calculated to save your majesty an infinite 
deal of pain and anxiety, and also because I am sure it is for 
the interest of the country. 

“Suffer me, madam, to add that there are some persons 


ZT. 42.] PRELIMINARIES. 277 


whose advice is of a different cast, and who will be found very 
feeble allies in the hour of difficulty. 

“I know not that I have a right to proceed farther, but a 
strong sense of duty impels me. 

“Tf your majesty shall determine to go to England before 

any new offer can be made, I earnestly implore your majesty 
to proceed in the most private and even secret manner possi- 
ble. It may be very well for a candidate at an election to be 
drawn into towns by the populace—and they will mean noth- 
ing but good in showing this attention to your majesty—but 
a Queen of England may well dispense with such marks of 
popular favor; and my duty to your majesty binds me to say 
very plainly that I shall consider every such exhibition as both 
hurtful to your majesty’s real dignity, and full of danger in 
its probable consequences. 
_ “T know your majesty’s goodness and good sense too well 
not to be convinced that you will pardon me for thus once 
more urging what I had before in conversation stated. And 
I have the honor to be your majesty’s devoted and faithful 
servant, H. Broveuam.” 


Apprehensive that proceedings might be instantly taken on 
the queen’s arrival.in London, which I had too much reason 
to believe would be immediate, and anxious that nothing 
should be done in Parliament until I was in my place, I ad- 
dressed the following letter to Lord Liverpool: 


[ AWost secret. | 
‘*St. Omer, Sunday night, June 4, 1820. 

“My Lorp,—My letter of last night may have prepared 
your lordship for hearing that, five minutes after the queen 
had rejected Lord Hutchinson’s proposition, which she did 
the moment it was made—this evening at five o’clock—she 
set out for Calais, having previously prepared every thing for 
her journey, and sent all her Italian attendants off to Italy. 
I had not advised her to accept that proposal, but I strongly 
urged her to offer terms—viz.,to stay abroad, provided she 
were acknowledged and respected as queen. I did this in the 
spirit which has always regulated my conduct in this affair 
—that of preventing whatever tended only to annoy, and to 


278 DEFENSE OF QUEEN CAROLINE. [1820. 


force on discussions unnecessary in themselves and hurtful to 
the country. In the same spirit I have most earnestly urged 
her majesty to go (if she finally resolves to go) as secretly as 
possible; and I wrote to her at Calais to-night to repeat my 
remonstrances, and to entreat that at least she would give 
Lord Hutchinson time to send a courier to London for fresh 
instructions. Your lordship will see from the inclosed what 
view I have taken of this matter. 

“T sincerely regret the failure of this negotiation, on every 
account. But even if the queen had listened to me alone, 
and had paid far more attention to my advice than she has 
done, I feel that my sense of public duty could not have car- 
ried me further than I went, considering the duty which I 
owed to my client. To that length these two duties coincided 
perfectly ; and though I can not allow myself for a moment 
to suppose that the queen runs any risk by the step she is 
taking, yet I am certain that she exposes herself to trouble 
which might have been avoided. I have the honor to be your 
Lordship’s obedient servant, H. Broveuam. 

“P.S.—I afterwards wrote a still longer remonstrance to 
Calais, which may produce some effect, though I hardly dare 
to hope it. Mr. Alderman Wood and Lady Anne Hamilton 
went with the queen; and neither of them are acquainted 
with any one part of her case. It seems. difficult, therefore, 
to suppose that they should ‘offer advice, and still more so to 
imagine that it can be taken.” 


[ Private. | 
TO THE EARL OF LIVERPOOL. 
“St. Omer, Monday morning, June 5, 1820. 

“ My Lorp,—The courier sent from Calais early this morn- 
ing must have reached your lordship before this can arrive ; 
and the queen will in all probability have reached London 
also. 

“T shall be there to-morrow evening, if the wind permits; 
and I have only to request that the message to Parliament 
may not be sent till I am in my place. I trust I need hardly 
repeat to your lordship my assurances how much I regret the 
failure of this negotiation; and I beg leave to add that I shall 
at all times be ready to lend my aid in case it is renewed, be- 


2T. 42.] PRELIMINARIES. 279 


ing deeply convinced that the best interests, both of the coun- 
try and of the parties, require an amicable arrangement on 
the basis of mutual sacrifices; nor does it follow that the 
queen, when in England, will reject the advice I may then 
offer, as she has before her arrival. I have the honor to be 
your lordship’s very faithful and obedient servant, 

“H. Brouenam.” 


On her arrival in London she gave extreme offense to the 
king by allowing Alderman Wood to sit in the carriage with 
her as she drove through the town to his house in South 
Audley Street, where she remained till a house in Portman 
Square was got ready for her. She afterwards occupied the 
house at Hammersmith, with a house in St. James’s Square 
when she had occasion to come to town. It is impossible to 
describe the universal, and strong, even violent, feelings of the 
people, not only in London but all over the country, upon the 
subject of the queen. Of course, in London the multitude 
were as unreflecting as they usually are when their feelings 
are excited. I recollect one instance among many others. 
The crowd collected wherever they knew her to be, and called 
her to appear at the windows of whatever house she was in. 
_ The cheers and noise were excessive, and exposed her to great 
annoyance and fatigue. They called for cheers to individuals 
by name, and sometimes the cry was “Three cheers for Mr. 
Austin, the queen’s son ;” thereby assuming her to have been 
convicted of the high treason of which the inquiry in 1806 
had acquitted her. 

On the 6th of June, Lord Liverpool in the Lords, and Lord 
Castlereagh in the Commons, brought down a message from 
the king, accompanied by a green bag, sealed, which contained 
the evidence upon which the case against the queen was sup- 
posed to be founded. 

In the Lords, a secret committee of fifteen peers was at 
once appointed, to whom the contents of the green bag were 
referred. In the Commons, ministers made an attempt to in- 
duce the House to act with equal rapidity ; but I was fully 
prepared for this movement, and without much difficulty suc- 
ceeded in defeating it. Without having given the smallest 
hint of my intention to any one, save Denman, I effected this 


280 DEFENSE ‘OF QUEEN CAROLINE. [1820. 


by at once entering fully into the whole case. Canning, in 
answering me, while he supported the ministers, acted most 
honorably, and bore such testimony to the virtues and high 
bearing of the princess whose honor, and I may almost say 
life, was assailed by a husband whose whole life and conduct 
in the marriage state had been a barefaced violation of his 
vows—that ministers were forced to give way, and an adjourn- 
ment was agreed to without a division. However, the coun- 
sels of men who were base enough to pander to the king’s 
wishes, lest by opposing them the Tory ministry might be 
destroyed, prevailed ; and it was determined to introduce a 
bill of pains and penalties, to degrade the queen-consort, and 
to dissolve her marriage with the king. 

The House of Commons having deferred the appointment 
of a select committee, Wilberforce, of all men the most fit to 
lead the resistance to this hateful measure, on the 20th of 
June proposed an address to the queen, which, after express- 
ing deep regret that the endeavors to frame an arrangement 
(referring to the attempt made by Wellington, Castler each, 
Denman, and myself) had failed, represented to her majesty 
the inestimable importance of an amicable adjustment, prayed 
her to yield to the earnest solicitude of the House of Com- 
mons, and accede to certain of the king’s proposals, which, in 
the opinion of the House, she might do without any sacrifice 
of her honor. This address was agreed to by the House, and 
was carried up to the queen by Wilberforce the mover, Stuart- 
Wortley* the seconder, Bankes, and Sir Thomas Ackland. 

The queen, receiving the members with the greatest courte- 
sy, declined in the most decided terms to accede to the re- 
quest of the Commons, on the ground that agreeing to it 
would of necessity leave her conduct open to the gravest sus- 
picion. Thus it became unavoidable that the inquiry must. 
proceed. The further consideration of the king’s message 
having been adjourned for a few days in the Commons, I 
made ‘the following communication to Lord Liverpoo on Fri- 
day, the 9th of June: 


“The queen commands Mr. Brougham to inform Lord Liv- 
erpool that she has directed her most serious attention to the 


* Afterwards Lord Wharncliffe. 


ZBT, 42.] PRELIMINARTES. 281 


declared sense of Parliament as to the propriety of some ami- 
cable adjustment of existing differences being attempted, and 
submitting to that high authority with the gratitude due to 
the protection she has always received from it. Her majesty 
no longer waits for a communication from the servants of the 
Crown, but commands Mr. Brougham to announce her own 
readiness to consider any arrangement that can be suggested 
consistent with her dignity and honor. 
**1 o'clock, Friday, June 9, 1820.” 


The following letter from Lady Charlotte Campbell (lady- 
in-waiting) explains itself, and may properly be here inter- 
posed. It shows that it was thought expedient to prove to 
the king that there was no personal disrespect. 


“Her majesty, being gone to her bedroom, commands me 
to say that she sent for Sir William Grant, according to Mr. 
Brougham’s desire, supposing that he had some communica- 
tion to make from Mr. Canning. Sir W.G. came and assured 
her that he had not seen any of the Cabinet ministers, and had 
no communication whatever to make from them. The queen 
then represented to Sir W. if he would go to Mr. Canning in 
her name, that she thought the only way matters could be ar- 
ranged was for her to have an interview with the king. Sir 
W. G. took this message to Mr. Canning, and returned, say- 
ing that Mr. Canning thought it quite impossible that such a 
proposal could be made to the king; he also said—except the 
queen would throw herself upon the mercy of the king. She 
then assured Sir W. that her majesty would never ask mercy 
of the king, and that she only wished to have an audience of 
his majesty, as every peeress-had a right to have. 

“ Mr. Canning also mentioned that the report had been 
’ presented to the king on Saturday evening, and now he had 
no more power to interfere in his majesty’s affairs. 

** June 10, 1820. 


“P.S.—The queen desires Mr. Brougham to consider 
through what.channel it could best be effected for her maj- 
esty to see the king.” ' 


My answer to her was, that I saw no chance whatever, now 
that Canning was out of the question. 


282 DEFENSE OF QUEEN CAROLINE. [1820. 


The following notes carry on my narrative, and also explain 
the feelings on the part of the queen, and the conciliatory 
views by which she was influenced :* 


“The queen commands Mr. Brougham to inform Lord 
Liverpool that she has received his letter, and that the mem- 
orandum of April 15th, 1820, which the proposition made 
through Lord Hutchinson had appeared to supersede, has 
also been now submitted to her majesty for the first time. 

“ Her majesty does not consider the terms there specified 
as at all according with the condition upon which she in- 
formed Lord Liverpool yesterday that she would entertain a 
proposal—namely, that it should be consistent with her dig- 
nity and honor. 

“At the same time she is willing to acquit those who made 
this proposal of intending any thing offensive to her majesty, 
and Lord Liverpool’s letter indicates a disposition to receive 
any suggestions which she may offer. 

“Her majesty retains the same desire which she com- 
manded Mr. Brougham yesterday to express, of submitting 
her own wishes to the authority of Parliament, now so de- 
cisively interposed. Still acting upon the same principles, 
she now commands Mr. Brougham to add, that she feels it 
necessary, before making any further proposal, to have it un- 
derstood that the recognition of her rank and privileges as 
queen must form the basis of any arrangement which can be 
made. 

“The moment that basis is established, her majesty will be 
ready to suggest a method by which she conceives all exist- 
ing differences may be satisfactorily adjusted. 

‘¢ June 10, 1820.” 


FROM THE EARL OF LIVERPOOL. 
“ Lord Liverpool has had the honor of receiving the queen’s 
communication, and can not refrain from expressing the ex- 
treme surprise of the king’s servants that the memorandum 





* See, in connection with what follows, the papers termed ‘‘ Communica- 
tions on the part of the queen with his majesty’s Government,” presented to 
Parliament by Lord Castlereagh on 19th June, 1820.—Hansard, 1147. 


AT. 42.] ITRELIMINARIES. 2838 


. of April 15th, the only proposition to her majesty which was 
ever authorized by his majesty, should not have been submit- 
ted to her majesty until yesterday. 

“That memorandum contains so full a communication of 
the intentions and views of the king’s government with re- 
spect to the queen, as to have entitled his majesty’s servants 
to an equally frank, full, and candid explanation on the part 
of her majesty’s advisers. 

“The memorandum of the 15th of April, while it proposed 
that her majesty should abstain from the exercise of the 
rights and privileges of queen, with certain exceptions, did 
not call upon her majesty to renounce any of them. 

“ Whatever appertains to her majesty by law as queen, 
must continue to appertain to her so long as it is not abroga- 
ted by law. 

“The king’s servants, in expressing their readiness to re- 
ceive the suggestion for a satisfactory adjustment which her 
majesty’s advisers ‘promise, think it right, in order to save 
time, distinctly to state, that any proposition which they 
could feel it to be consistent with their duty to recommend 
to his majesty must have for its basis her majesty’s residence 
abroad. 

“Fife House, June 11, 1820.” 


“The queen commands Mr. Brougham to acknowledge 
having received Lord Liverpool’s note of last night, and to 
inform his lordship that. her majesty takes it for granted 
that the memorandum of April 15th was not submitted to 
her majesty before Saturday, only because her legal advisers 
had no opportunity of seeing her until Lord Hutchinson was 
on the spot prepared to treat with her majesty. 

“Ter majesty commands Mr. Brougham to state that as 
the basis of her recognition as queen is admitted by the 
king’s government, and as his majesty’s servants express 
their readiness to receive any suggestion for a satisfactory 
adjustment, her majesty, still acting upon the same principles 
which have always guided her conduct, will now point out a 
method by which it appears to her that the subject in contem- 
plation may be attained. 

“Her majesty’s dignity and honor being secured, she re- 


284 DEFENSE OF QUEEN CAROLINE. [1820. 


gards all other matters as of comparatively little importance ; 
and‘ is willing to leave every thing to the decision of any per- 
son or persons of high station and character whom both par- 
ties may concur in naming, and who shall have authority to 
prescribe the particulars as to residence, patronage, and in- 
come—subject, of course, to the approbation of Parliament. 

“¢ June 12, 1820.” 


“The queen commands Mr. Brougham to add that, as her 
only wish is to vindicate herself, whatever arrangement may 
be calculated to secure this object without offering any injury 
to the feelings of others, will be most likely to afford satisfac- 
tion to her majesty. 

*¢ June 12, 1820.” 


“Lord Liverpool has received the communication made by 
the queen’s commands. 

“The kinog’s servants feel it to be unnecessary to enter into 
any discussion on the early parts of this communication, except 
to repeat that the memorandum delivered to Mr. Brougham 
of the 15th April contained the only proposition to the queen 
which the king authorized to be made to her majesty. 

‘‘The views and sentiments of the king’s government as to 
her majesty’s actual situation are sufficiently explained in 
Lord Liverpool’s note of the 11th inst. 

“Lord Liverpool will proceed, therefore, to the proposal 
made on the part of her majesty at the close of this commnu- - 
nication—namely, that she ‘is willing to leave every thing to 
the decision of any person or persons of high station ‘and 
character whom both parties may concur in naming, and who 
shall have authority to prescribe the particulars as to resi- 
dence, patronage, and income—subject, of course, to the ap- 
probation of Parliament.’ 

“The king’s confidential servants can not think it consist- 
ent with their constitutional responsibility to advise the king 
to submit to any arbitration a matter so deeply connected 
with the honor and dignity of his crown, and with the most 
important public interests; but they are fully sensible of the 
advantages which may be derived from an unreserved person- 
al discussion ; and they are therefore prepared to advise his 


ZT, 42.] PRELIMINARIES. 285 


majesty to appoint two of his majesty’s confidential servants, 
who, in concert with the like number of persons to be named 
by the queen, may frame an arrangement, to be submitted to 
his majesty, for settling, upon the basis of Lord Liverpool’s 
note of the 11th instant, the necessary particulars of her maj- 
esty’s future situation. 

‘Fife House, June 13, 1820.” 


“Lord Liverpool presents his compliments to Mr. Brough- 
am, and requests that he will inform the queen that if the ac- 
companying answer should not appear to require any. reply, 
Lord Liverpool is prepared to name the two persons whom 
his majesty will appoint for the purpose referred to in this 
note. 

** Fife House, June 13, 1820.” 


“Mr. Brougham presents his compliments to Lord Liver- 
pool, and begs leave to inform him that he has received the 
queen’s commands to name two persons to meet the two 
whom his lordship may name on the part of his majesty’s 
government, for the purpose of settling an arrangement. 

“ Mr. Brougham hopes to be favored with Lord Liverpool’s 
nomination this evening, in order that an early appointment 
for a meeting to-morrow may be made. 

**5 Hill Street, June 14, 1820.” 


The Duke of Wellington and Lord Castlereagh were named 
to represent the king; and, at first, Lords Fitzwilliam and 
Sefton the queen. The two former came to Wentworth 
House, in Grosvenor Square; and I was asked to attend, in 
order to introduce the parties to each other. There were all 
sorts of blunders and mistakes as to time ; and after a ridicu- 
lous hour passed in waiting for one person and another, ren- 
dered the more ridiculous from the arbitrators thinking fit to 
come in court-dress, we all separated, nothing being done or 
said, except by the duke, who, with his usual good sense, ob- 
served that the affair never could go on unless, instead of Sef- 
ton and Fitzwilliam—who, after the first meeting, had de- 
clined to act—Denman and I should be the persons on the 
queen’s part, which he undertook to make the government of 


286 DEFENSE OF QUEEN CAROLINE. [1820. 


the king approve; and accordingly, Denman and I were ac- 
cepted by the Government on the part of the queen. We 
had several meetings, and I conceived a very high opinion, 
not only of the duke’s ability as a negotiator, but also of Cas- 
tlereagh’s. It was plain from the first that they had nothing 
like full powers from the king. Nor, indeed, had we from 
the queen; for, upon some alarm being given her by the med- 
dling folks whom she saw, she complained that she was not 
informed of the whole of the negotiation, although we made 
a point of conveying to her the substance of each day’s dis- 
cussion. Another thing happened both during the negotia- 
tion and at other parts of the proceeding. Acting under the 
influence of Lady Anne Hamilton, one of her ladies, she sent 
Jetters to the speaker, to be read to the House of Commons, 
or rather formal messages, beginning Caroline R., which Lady 
Anne’s brother, Lord Archibald (our staunch supporter) and 
myself were never aware of till an hour before they were [to 
be] read by the speaker; and on one occasion we had hardly 
time to prevent it by hastening to her house and causing her 
to countermand what she had ‘been induced to do. More than 
once I have been obliged to say, that unless the step intend- 
ed was abandoned I must resign my place in her service. 
Among other occasions of this threat being required, one was 
on the eve of Wilberforce’s motion, when he found she had 
sent a message to the House of Commons, and went to wait 
upon her that it might be stopped. He saw her, and was ey- 
idently struck with her dignified demeanor and her acute- 
ness; but returned to town, having failed. I had then to ap- 
ply the stronger pressure, and of course succeeded. 

When the address of the House of Commons went up, Wil- 
berforce, the mover, and Wortley (afterwards Lord Wharn- 
cliffe), the seconder, presented it, as I have before stated ; 
and her counsel were all in attendance.* We had resolved to 
give no advice whatever, but to leave her the entire option of 
agreeing or refusing. This was, on every account, the neces- 
sary course to take, because, if she had been acting under our 
advice, it would have entirely destroyed the effect of her reso- 





* See debate on Mr. Wilberforce’s motion ‘‘for adjusting the differences 
existing in the royal family,” 22d June, 1820.—Hansard, 1213. 


ET, 42. ] PRELIMINARIES. 287 


lution ; and we felt quite certain that if we advised her to 
comply: with the desire of the Commons and to leave the 
country, we should have been proclaimed by her violent and 
secret advisers as the cause of her going ; and it would have 
been aftirmed that she was herself desirous of remaining and 
meeting the charges. Indeed, I doubt if we should have es- 
caped the fury of the multitude. She anxiously pressed us 
to give our opinion, one after another, and we all declined, 
stating that it was for her to decide, and not us, who were 
only her legal advisers. For my own part, I was very desir- 
ous that she should accept the proposition, as I should avoid 
a most laborious and irksome duty, rendered still more vexa- 
tious by her listening to secret advisers, some of whom were 
in the hands of the mob, and others were intermeddling and 
restless women. I also felt that she exposed herself to the 
consequences of the inquiry, of which, from all the facts that 
had reached me, I felt pretty sure she had no reason to be ap- 
prehensive, as far as the result was concerned ; but its conse- 
quences, in continued persecution, I was sure that she might 
expect to be even more harassing after her successful vindi- 
cation, connected as that must needs be with strong popular 
demonstrations. But it was impossible to interfere, for she 
would unquestionably have decided that she accepted, by our 
advice ; and as we must be supposed to know her whole case, 
her shrinking from inquiry would have been as complete as 
if she accepted by her unassisted determination. Indeed, it 
might even have been reckoned a more complete admission 
that her case was bad. On the other hand, her refusal by 
our advice was of little avail compared with her own deter- 
mination to meet the charge. _When we had retired in order 
that she might come to a determination, she called us in, and 
announced that she had resolved to refuse, and said that she 
had, from the beginning, no doubt or hesitation, though she 
desired to have our opinion. She then laid before us the 
words of her refusal, and asked us if there was any objection 
to them. We entixely approved. I rather think either Lush- 
ington or Vizard (her solicitor) had drawn up the answer. 
On it being given to the deputation from the Commons, they 
received it respectfully, but expressed their regret. When it: 
was announced to the immense multitude assembled round 


288 DEFENSE OF QUEEN CAROLINE. [1820. 


the House that she had refused, the cheering was very great 
and hearty. But it was with difficulty that the deputation 
~ escaped maltreatment, the hissing and screams against them 
being excessive. It was carefully announced to the people by 
some of her unprofessional friends that her refusal was entire- 
ly her own act, and this occasioned a renewal of applause. It 
was clear that the secret advisers had put about all manner 
of suspicions of the known, or especially of the professional, 
advisers of the queen. Of this we had constant indications, 
and it was only after the proceedings had begun that we 
escaped the censures of the multitude. Certainly we then 
had an abundant share of popular favor in every way. The 
disappointment of the Government at the refusal was great— 
far greater than the king’s, who was bent upon proceeding, 
because not satisfied with such a result as would only expel 
the queen from England. He desired the bill beyond every 
thing, Leach and his other ‘secret advisers never allowing him 
to doubt that it must pass; but he required a divorce clause 
to be inserted, and this was only withdrawn, in the course of 
the proceeding, by the resistance of Lord Lonsdale, whose son 
(Lord Lowther) was a devoted adherent of Carlton House, 
and would on no account have thwarted the king in this par- 
ticular. The ministers, on the contrary, were only desirous 
to have the whole proceeding put an end to, and Canning 
more than any of them. 

When the message of the 5th of June was brought down 
to the Commons—the beginning of the whole proceeding—I 
resolved upon the course which we should take, but kept it 
most carefully concealed from all but Denman. It was decisive 
of our success. I suddenly entered entirely and fully into the 
queen’s whole case. Ithus gained the incalculable advantage 
of at once delaying the proceeding, and the further benefit of 
a difference of opinion being disclosed among the ministers 
by the speech of Canning, which I foresaw the absolute im- 
possibility of his avoiding, and which he could not make with- 
out showing that he differed with his colleagues. The speech 
was shabby enough, as was his subsequent one on Wilber- 
force’s motion; his plain object being to avoid a breach with 
‘the king, and to aid by all means a result which might save 
his honor towards the queen, and not make his resignation of 


AT. 42.] PRELIMINARIES. 289 


office necessary. However, at a subsequent stage his conduct 
was straightforward, manly, and in every respect creditable 
to him. The duke, who, with every one else, was taken by 
surprise—not a creature but Denman being aware of my de- 
sign—was unable to force on the proceeding. If he had had 
the least. suspicion of my intention, he certainly would have 
pressed on the division on Castlereagh’s motion, and the se- 
cret committee would have been named either that night or 
the night after; but probably that night, as the duke never 
did things by halves. After my speech this was quite impos- 
sible. 

The king expressed himself as to my conduct in the cause 
somewhat differently to different people, but never ceased to 
abuse me generally. The following letter shows the language 
he held to Lord St. Vincent. It is from his confidential phy- 
sician, with whom he had been on intimate terms many years, 
both what he called afloat and on shore: 


‘*London, April 2, 1823. 

“Dear Sir,—I thought I had put you in possession of 
what Lord St. Vincent said to me, which was, that ‘ the king 
Was quite satisfied with your conduct at the queen’s trial, that 
you did nothing but what you were bound to do in defense 
of your client, and that his majesty entertained a high opinion 
of you.’ I have heard his lordship express himself to this 
effect more than once. 

“Mr. Tucker is in town, and will wait on you when you 
arrive here. I am, dear sir, faithfully yours, 


“A. Barrp. 
‘To H. Brovenam, Esq., M.P.” 


On the 19th of August Lord King moved that it was not 
necessary that the bill should pass into a law; to this Lord 
Liverpool moved an amendment that counsel be called in, 
This was carried by 181 to 65. Lord Grey then moved that 
it was not expedient to proceed farther with the bill. This 
motion was rejected by 179 to 64. Counsel were then called 
in, and the attorney-general commenced his opening of the 
case in support of the bill. On Monday, 21st, he concluded 
his opening, and began the evidence by calling as his first 

Vor. IL—N 


290 DEFENSE OF QUEEN CAROLINE. [1820. 


witness Theodore Majocchi, who was examined at consider- 
able length by the solicitor-general, Copley. The examina- 
tion-in-chief concluded on the 22d, when my cross-examina- 
tion began, Wednesday intervening. I finished on the 24th 
by completely demolishing this important witness. 

When the proceedings against her commenced, my coad- 
jutors in Parliament were Denman, her solicitor-general, Lush- 
ington, and Williams. We had also the able and useful as- 
sistance of Wilde, who had been bred an attorney, and but 
lately come to the bar, and of Tindal, then rising into the 
great practice which he soon obtained, and kept till he be- 
came Chief-justice of the Common Pleas. We owed the 
great benefit of Wilde to the Alderman pressing .him upon 
the queen, to which we readily assented.* We always felt 
that Wilde had been put upon us as more fully trusted by the 
secret advisers of the queen than we were, and he began with 
these suspicions infused into us against him. We very soon 
found how utterly groundless these suspicions were, and saw 
that they arose from our discretion and circumspection being 
greater than that of his recommenders, who were in the hands 
of the mob, and had no discretion or circumspection at all. 

Her solicitor was Vizard, whose strictly honorable charac- 
ter and professional talents, with his sound judgment, made 
him a valuable associate; and his trustworthiness, the most 
essential recommendation in so delicate a case, led to my 
treating him as one of the counsel rather than the solicitor 
only. The experience which I had had of him in the great 
commercial question of the Orders in Council, 1808, when I 
recommended him to the petitioners, and afterwards, in 1812, 
when I represented them in Parliament, left me no doubt 
about recommending him to the queen. 

In some respects I stood in a different position from all 
my colleagues. I had been the queen’s adviser for many 
years, including the critical times of 1813 and 1814; and my 
standing and position in Parliament gave me great weight in 
a case like ours, which was in part political, and with which 





* Alderman Wood, a zealous but not very wise partisan: for some of the 


foolish advice he gave to the queen, he got the name of ‘‘ApsoLuTEe Wis- 
pom.” 


* AT. 42.) THE TRIAL, 291 


parties in both Houses were much mixed up. From these 
circumstances, and from my intercourse with the Opposition 
leaders, both in the Lords and Commons, I had authority 
with the public and Parliament, but especially with the queen 
herself. I could form an opinion upon the probable effects 
of different proceedings to be taken on our part; and I could 
more easily than the others communicate with the queen, and 
with those of her household and in her confidence. It must 
further be observed that I was acquainted with circumstances, 
unknown to them, of great indiscretions on her part, though 
entirely unconnected with the charges against her. Of the 
utter groundlessness of those charges we all had the most 
complete and unhesitating belief; and I quite as much as any 
of the others. The evidence and discussion at the trial not 
only failed to shake the conviction with which we sct out 
from our knowledge of the Milan proceedings, and from our 
communication with such of her houschold as had attended 
her in the south, but very greatly confirmed it, and removed 
whatever doubts had for a moment crossed our minds. T can 
most positively affirm, that if every one of us had been put 
upon our oaths as jurymen, we should all have declared that 
there was not the least ground fér the charges against her. 
The same was the clear and decided opinion of those most ac- 
quainted personally with her habits, from having been long on 
intimate terms with her—as Lord Archibald Hamilton; or 
having been her ladies—as Lady Charlotte Lindsay and Lady 
Glenbervie. All these laughed to scorn the stories told by 
the Italian witnesses about what passed on shore, and still 
more, if possible, the tales of what passed on board ship in the 
Levant. 

When it was resolved to go on with the bill, the difficulty 
arose from both the queen’s law officers being in Parliament, 
as were also the attorney and solicitor-general of the king. 
I proposed to relinquish my seat, without having previously 
made any arrangement for being again returned by Lord Dar- 
lington, after the cause should be at an end. My Parish School 
Bill had been introduced, which I afterwards was prevented 
from carrying by the absurd and groundless prejudice of the 
Dissenters, when it was supported by the Church—the Dis- 
senters opposing it because it was so supported. The second 


292 DEFENSE OF QUEEN CAROLINE. [1820. 


reading and full defense of its principles was brought on im- 
mediately by me, because I believed that I should a few days 
after be out of Parliament. But the ministers were so much 
at a loss for their Crown lawyers, should they as well as we 
be obliged to quit their seats, that the very extraordinary 
course was taken of allowing us all to take part in the pro- 
ceedings upon the bill—a thing without any example, and 
which has never been done in any case since. ? 

In the conduct of our case I laid down some rules, which 
we found of the greatest importance, trivial as they now ap- 
pear. One was that we should have a consultation both be- 
fore and after each day’s proceedings. For this purpose I 
required that we should breakfast at the House of Lords, and 
we had a room allotted to us connected with the coffee-house. 
I considered that this insured the attendance of all at the 
early hour. As it was vacation-time, some of us went to 
chambers, and I lived in mine, so as to avoid the interrup- 
tions of the west end of the town. In the evening I went 
among the members of both houses, both at Brooke’s and in 
the families which I knew they frequented. This gave me 
the means of ascertaining, as we proceeded, the effects of the 
evidence and of the arguiients on both sides. We had our 
second consultation at the rising of the House; and some- 
times, on reconsidering the day’s proceedings, such of my 
colleagues as had any thing pressing to suggest, which might 
be too late at the next morning’s consultation, would come to 
me so late as to be certain of my having returned to Lincoln’s 
Inn Fields, where my chambers then were. This happened 
in a remarkable part of the evidence. Majocchi had been ex- 
amined in chief, and Copley had purposely protracted his ex- 
amination until it was too late for us to take off the effect of 
his evidence by cross-examination—of which we complained, 
because it made its impression, unaffected by our attacks, the 
whole of that evening on the House of Lords, and the next 
day also in the town. I had gone to bed early, being a good 
deal fatigued, and Tindal, with Wilde, called, and were shown 
into my bedroom. They had come for the purpose of going 
through our short-hand-writer’s note of Majocchi’s evidence, 
which they had considered carefully, and with the view of of- 
fering such suggestions as had occurred to them for his cross- 


zt. 42.] THE TRIAL. 293 


examination. We went through the different parts of the 
evidence that most pressed upon “us, and they went away. 
But something further having occurred to them, they came 
back immediately, and found me fast asleep. We then fin- 
ished our consultation, and I undoubtediy profited by their 
remarks, added to the observations which had been made at 
our consultation, But when I came to cross-examine the man 
next day, my course was guided chiefly (as it must needs be) 
by the first answers I received, and by his demeanor as a wit- 
ness. It was very doubtful whether we ought not to have 
left his “non mé ricordo” for comment, and without giving 
him the means of retracting or explaining it away. Some of 
us, I rather think Denman, was of that opinion ; but all ap- 
proved my plan of feeling my way at first, and only making 
war upon him when I had ascertained that we had nothing 
to. fear. In this Williams concurred. I went to work as 
cautiously as possible; and after going to other topics, I rec- 
ollected an expression he had dropped in the former part of 
my cross-examination. It seemed to give me an opening, and 
I went back, and got an answer which made me quite secure. 
I indicated my sense of the advantage I had got by some 
gesture which alarmed Denman, and he whispered words of 
caution; but I felt secure, and then poured question after 
question into him, and got him to repeat his “non mi ricor- 
do” as often as I chose. The story among us was, that my 
rising taller at the first opening the man gave me, put them 
in mind of the Duke of Wellington at Salamanca when he 
discovered that Marmont had left an opening in his line ; and 
certainly the defeat of the bill turned very much upon Majoc- 
chi’s cross-examination. I mean-the defeat as regarded the 
opinion formed of our case by the Lords; for our strength 
against the bill lay in the general demurrer which all men, in 
and out of Parliament, made —namely, that, admit every 
thing true which is alleged against the queen, after the treat- 
ment she had received ever since she came to England, her 
husband had no right to the relief prayed by him, and the 
punishment he sought against her. Next to the demolition 
of Majocchi’s evidence, that of Demont’s by Williams’s most 
able and effectual cross-examination was the most important 
event in the case as regards the witnesses. In all the pro- 


294 DEFENSE OF QUEEN CAROLINE. [1820. 


ceedings on the bill we had no misadventure; on the con- 
trary, their sending away ‘Rastelli gave us a great advantage, 
which they did not at first perceive that we were aware of, 
and intended to use. It was plain, from their anxiety during 
my examination, that they only began to believe they were... 
[illegible], and that we were aware of the great error they had 
committed after I had proceeded to a considerable length, 
and then it was too late; for the man was gone, and they 
could not bring him back, which they said they should have 
done. We were almost equally fortunate in having only two 
mishaps in our case, and by the demeanor of our people, one 
of which was made of no consequence by what followed. It 
was the queen, who attended, coming in state, and having a 
seat within the bar, when Majocchi was called, exclaiming, 
“ Teodore !” and immediately retiring. This looked like an 
alarm, and was sedulously represented as an indication that 
she knew he came to give testimony which she was afraid of, 
and that her expression was of astonishment that he should 
appear against her. Possibly it was; but the failure of his 
evidence to stand cross-examination and sifting completely 
proved that she had no reason to fear any thing but his gross 
perjury. The other was a lieutenant in the navy, Hownam, 
fainting under examination when he was pressed, in conse- 
quence of having thought he could make an impression by 
his manner of relating things. As Thanet said of Sheridan’s 
evidence, to which he partly ascribed his conviction, that he 
wished to make a show of how he should excel in giving his 
testimony—forgetting, said Thanet, that the only excellence 
of a witness is clearly and correctly stating the facts ;—so 
Hownam desired to obtain a like distinction by a like injury. 
I must, however, add that Sheridan did beat Garrow, and turn 
the langh against him; and that his evidence did not materi- 
ally injure Thanet’s case.* 

The case for the Crown having closed on the 7th of Sep- 
tember, the House of Lords decided, on Saturday the 9th, to 
adjourn the further consideration of the second reading of 





* In allusion to the trial of Lord Thanet, Mr. Ferguson, and others, for 


the attempt to rescue Arthur O'Connor from custody in 1799,—St, Tr., 
XXVil., 821, 


zr. 42] THE TRIAL. 295 


the bill to Tuesday, the 8d of October. I passed a part of 
this interval at Brougham, and when there wrote as follows 
to Lady Charlotte Lindsay : 


TO LADY CHARLOTTE LINDSAY. 


‘* Brougham, September 10, 1820. 

“My pear Lapy Cuartotre,—I wish I could tell you 
more accurately than I fear Iam about to do. But it must 
be partly conjecture. I hear the Government reckon on the 
Tlouse of Commons beginning with the bill November 4. If 
so, I don’t see why I should not get away before the end of 
this month. I certainly do not look to much above a week 
more in the Lords, who will pass the bill as a matter of course, 
and would do so if no witnesses had been called on either 
side, and would also add a clause, if desired, to cut off my 
head or cut out my tongue, and to order Lady Anne to marry 
Denman and Williams, which would be a far worse punish- 
ment than mine. In fact, the only remote chance of their 
hesitating is the fear they may have of its not going down 
elsewhere ; for Tam by no means sure of its passing the Com- 
mons, and the Lords may be afraid of the scrape they would 
be in were they to pass it and the Commons to throw it out. 

“TI find the fecling universal in the country, and the evi- 
dence is little thought of. Tirst, the people don’t much trou- 
ble themselves with inquiry whether she is guilty or not, 
rightly conceiving that to be rather a question of curiosity 
than of any connection with the present case; and next, such 
as trouble themselves with such inquiries don’t go beyond 
Majocchi and Demont. 

“ By-the-by, Bergami seems~to puzzle and divide them. 
Some think him a spy, and all his family ; others are prepared, 
if he comes over, to set him up for Middlesex or Yorkshire. 

“Believe me yours ever, H. Broveuam.” 


The following letter from Denman at the beginning of the 
adjournment shows his opinion of our case at that time. It 
was in answer to one from me, asking what he thought should 
be our future course of proceeding. 


296 DEFENSE OF QUEEN CAROLINE. [1820. 


‘¢Cheltenham, September 13, 1820. 

“You state so clearly and fully all that can be said on ei- 
ther side of the question as to our course of proceeding, that 
one has nothing to do but say on which side one votes; but 
I will mention how the matter struck me, as far as I had con- 
sidered it, before your letter came. I have persuaded myself, 
on a careful perusal of the evidence, that we are now entitled 
to the verdict. The inconsistencies, the meannesses, the mar- 
yellous non-confirmation, the poverty of cogent proof, consid- 
ering the means possessed and unsparingly employed, the un- 
candid and cunning course of prosecution—convince me of 
this, even independently of the never-failing topics of Italians, 
discarded servants, foreign ‘manners, etc. But this is the 
strength of our case; what can be added will be comparative- 
ly feeble at least, if not actually injurious. The Lords have 
been tired of the subject; but they will return to it with some 
curiosity, to hear not only what is to be proved, but what can 
be said. Our complaints of being silenced when the case 
closed will be almost as useful as the liberty of answering im- 
mediately would have been. But this is the crisis of the case, 
and here you must be heard at large, and tear their case into 
a thousand pieces. The opening of ours I expect to be noth- 
ing, in fact; but if we are fortunately better provided with 
facts, my impression is that Williams should state them. 
With the frankness of which you gave me an example, I own 
that I think either you or I should swm up, under which name 
the whole case may be fully discussed, and the weakness of 
the original proofs for the prosecution again denounced. Un- 
less our case turns out much better than I anticipate, your fa- 
tigue at the close of some hours’ speaking will be a complete 
apology for confining your statement to the most general 
terms possible; and, at all events, it ought rather to fall short 
of the evidence than overstep it. Lushington may be heard 
either before or after the summing up, as circumstances at the 
moment seem to require. I shall send your letter to him by 
to-day’s post, and hope to see him here to-morrow. We will 
then give you more in detail our joint opinion. 

“ Meanwhile, my general impression is, that our strength is 
in their weakness; that our case will be next to nothing 5 
that the opening, therefore, ought rather to be slurred than 


ET. 42. ] THE TRIAL. 297 


explicit; but that, as the evidence now stands, we are clearly 
entitled to an acquittal in any court, and may decidedly fix 
public opinion in our favor. 

“In case of evidence in reply, you must again be heard, 
when, in spite of ali restrictions, you will derive the fullest 
advantage from every favorable occurrence that may have 
arisen in the further progress of the affair. 

“TI get better every hour, and most sincerely hope you keep 
your own, and improve. . 

“ Pray write again if any thing strikes you. Yours most 
faithfully and sincerely, Tuomas Denman.” 

N 2 


298 DEFENSE OF QUEEN CAROLINE. [1820. 


CHAPTER XVII. 


The Northern Circuit.—Resumption of the great Cause.—Italian Witnesses. 
—'The Tactics of the Defense.—The Peroration.—The Bill abandoned.— 
Intended Policy in the Commons if it had passed the Lords.—The popu- 
lar Feeling. —The Troops.—Revelation of the Purpose of the Threat in the 
opening of the Defense. —The legal Consequences of the Fitzherbert 
Marriage.—Evidence of the Ceremony.—Feeling of the King on the Loss 
of the Bill.—Eldon and Leach.—The political Effect.—The Queen’s Posi- 
tion. —'The Coronation.—Advice to the Queen not to attend.—Her Death. 
—Personal Anecdotes and Characteristics of Queen Caroline. —The Dis- 
turbances at the Funeral.—Prosecution of a Clergyman for preaching a 
Libel on the Queen. 


Wr all of the common-law bar went our several circuits, 
and I had the opportunity of frequent conferences with Wil- 
liams and Tindal, who went the northern circuit as Tid. 1 
had many communications, of course, from both Vizard and 
others in London, and from those who were sent abroad on 
the queen’s behalf. Upon these Williams, Tindal, and myself 
conferred. We of course gave up all that part of the circuit 
after York, and returned to town, to be ready for the 3d of 
October, when the proceedings were fixed to commence. At 
all our consultations, when we differed, whether at the one 
before or after the day’s proceedings, if immediate steps were 
not to be taken, I used to adjourn the decision till next con- 
sultation; and it several times happened that I stood alone, in 
which case the course was pursued according to my opinion, 
and I remember no instance of my colleagues abiding by their | 
own contrary opinion. One such case, and of great impor- 
tance, was when the Lords were for making us open our case 
before the three weeks’ adjournment, and the others consid- 
ered that the benefit of my necessarily imperfect answer to 
the adverse case would be greater than a more deliberate 
and better-prepared-answer afterwards. There was a great 
deal to be said in favor of meeting the adverse case before it 
had sunk in the minds of the Lords during the adjournment, 


@ 


AT. 43. ] ‘THE TRIAL, 299 


and of giving the tone to our supporters in the country. Tat 
first strongly inclined to this opinion; but as we were not all 
agreed, I put off the decision till next morning, and went to 
Holland House, where I passed the night. But I spent the 
evening and the next morning in looking over the evidence 
and my notes, and preparing myself for immediately opening 
our case (at least, so far as answering the case against us), on 
the supposition of our adopting the course which the Lords 
wished to force upon us.. When we met at our morning 
consultation I found dll were agreed to that line; but great 
doubts had. presented themselves to my mind. I had no ap- 
prehension of the public feeling being turned against us, or 
even at all relaxed; because the case being ex parte, there 
would be the strongest disposition among reflecting persons 
to delay forming an opinion until we were heard, and the oth- 
ers, who with little reflection had taken our part, would not be 
changed by hearing one side. As to the Lords, I considered 
that my speech, separated from our evidence, would lose its 
effect, even if it had the full preparation which such a mass of 
evidence required ; and I further conceived that our calm and 
deliberate consideration of some most important parts of the 
subject would be a greater benefit than any thing we should: 
gain by an immediate, as compared with a deferred, answer 
to our adversaries. I stated the opinion to which I had 
come, and stated it strongly. They were as decided in main- 
taining theirs, with the additional advantage of mine having 
undergone a change; but I overruled them, and the proposal 
of the Lords was refused. I found, when, three weeks after, 
we came to town and had our consultation before opening 
our case, that the reflection during the adjournment had 
brought them all round to my opinion, and that they were 
well pleased with my plan having been adopted. Another 
instance of our differing was on a proposal which I wished to 
make while the case for. the bill was proceeding, that both 
sides should waive the rights of summing up—that is, of hay- 
ing a second speech. I was inclined to this from the great 
failure~ of the attorney-general (Gifford), whose defeat had 
exceedingly injured their case; and was expected by them, 
and dreaded by us, to be amply supplied by the solicitor-gen- 
eral (Copley) summing up—to get rid of which we felt to be 


300 - DEFENSE OF QUEEN CAROLINE. ~* [1820. 


a great advantage. Notwithstanding the serious loss of Den- 
man’s summing up, it was thought not too great a sacrifice to 
make for that object. The other side, and indeed the Lords 
themselves, considered the proposition not fit to be entertained. 
Here I differed with the majority, but did not insist upon my 
opinion being followed. 

A great question arose among us as to the calling Countess 
Oldi, sister of Bergami, who had been much referred to by 
our adversaries; and as she was said to be a person of inferi- 
or rank, the queen’s associating with her was given as a proof 
of extreme favor to Bergami. She was also described by 
some of the witnesses as having been present at important 
scenes, and her words were given on some occasions. Our 
information from the queen and others was directly in con- 
tradiction to all this; and she was represented,to us as a per- 
son of distinguished appearance and manners. There were 
manifest reasons why we should call her, unless we were pre- 
pared to admit all that had been sworn to, and which we 
were told she could contradict. The queen was most anxious 
that she should be examined. All my colleagues were clear 
she must be called; one or two circumstances led to a differ- 
ent opinion, and I decided that she should not be called; but 
I proposed that I should, contrary to the usual rule, of coun- 
sel never seeing a witness, make an exception in this case, on 
account of her only speaking Italian, and our solicitor (Vizard) 
not being able to converse with her. It was therefore re- 
solved that I should see her, and that on the result the deter- 
mination to call her or not should turn. I had an interview 
with her at the house in St. James’s Square, she not being 
previously informed of my intention, but it having been as- 
certained at what time I was sure of finding her at home. 
The result was decisive. Of her appearance and manners we 
had been very correctly informed; they were in all respects 
favorable. But five minutes sufficed to prove my apprehen- 
sions well founded; namely, that she would lie without scru- 
ple and without bounds, and that Copley would only have to 
ask her leading questions on matters on which there had been 
evidence undeniably accurate, and admitted by our case to be 
so, and he could obtain whatever answers she thought best 
served the case of the queen. For instance, it having been 


aT. 43.] THE TRIAL. 301 


clearly proved that different persons had been in the queen’s 
bedroom (which was explained by the habits of the country, 
and by those persons coming for orders, or simply to deliver 
verbal messages), I called her attention to that, and asked if 
such a thing ever happened ; she said at’ once, “Oh! never at 
any time or on any occasion.” I tried her in several other 
matters of the same kind, and she always answered in the 
same way. It was plain, therefore, that we durst not call her. 
Wilde indeed used, till checked by us, to propose that Vizard, 
or whoever examined our witnesses, should present things to 
their mind, retaining as he did his old habits of an attorney, 
and regarding it as quite justifiable to suggest things to a 
witness. But this was out of the question in any case; and 
as to M™* Oldi, it would have required a very full and partic- 
ular suggestion to put her on her guard against the cross-ex- 
amination she was sure to undergo. Our whole case would 
have been destroyed by her ready perjuries. For we were 
in this peculiarly dangerous position as compared with that of 
our adversaries: if their case failed in nine points, and they 
succeeded in a tenth, provided that one was sufficient to sup- 
port the bill, they could rely safely on this instance, notwith- 
standing their repeated failures in other instances of alleged 
misconduct. But if we, having succeeded in defeating them 
in nine instances by unexceptionable testimony, adduced a 
single witness who was manifestly perjured, the Lords would 
have given the whole case against us. When I met my col- 
leagues next morning, they admitted that we had had a 
great escape in not at once deciding, as they had wished, to 
call Oldi. ' 

We were repeatedly inclined to retire from the bar upon 
some vote, proposed by our supporters in the Lords, being 
given against us, but supported by a respectable minority. 
Having that grievance to justify us, we felt quite certain that 
the Lords could not pass the bill in our absence, if a consider- 
able body of our members opposed it. But we never could 
obtain such a movement on the part of the Opposition—who 
sometimes assumed a party attitude, sometimes a judicial. 
Of this mixed capacity individual peers gave remarkable ex- 
amples in displaying the talent for cross-examination. When 
successful, they were like advocates; but when they failed, 

e 


302 DEFENSE OF QUEEN CAROLINE. [1820. © 


straightway they became judicial, and must only be consid- 
ered to put the question as judges anxious to draw out the 
truth. It is needless to say how eminently Erskine shone 
above all the rest. His conduct throughout had all the excel- 
lence of the judicial character, combined with the most per- 
fect skill in eliciting the truth by his examination. His lean- 
ings were all on our side, from his thorough conviction of the 
gross injustice and cruelty with which the queen had been al- 
ways treated. 

At our repeated consultations my colleagues had declared 
strongly against calling Mariette Bron, Demont’s sister, who 
was still in the queen’s service; but they felt how great a 
damage this would be to our case. I resolved upon declar- 
ing, in opening the defense, that I meant to call her ; of course, 
after urging strongly that she was the witness of our adver- 
saries, and not ours. Yet notwithstanding this I should call 
her, which I intended to do the first possible opportunity— 
that is, when our evidence had at any moment produced such 
an impression as might make any failure of Bron of little con- 
sequence. When my address closed, I felt that the impres- 
sion made, especially by the peroration, was stronger than I 
could have expected. This I gathered from the loudly-de- 
clared feeling both of our adversaries at the bar and also of 
the Lords. I ran down stairs to the room allotted to our wit- 
nesses, that I might bring her up immediately and examine 
her alone; or rather tender her for cross-examination, they 
not being prepared to sift her. I reckoned on her escaping 
with a few questions on their part, and I should then have 
called for judgment, or for their reply, and we should have 
been safe, without calling any other witnesses. Her exami- 
nation, or the tendering her for cross-examination, was all we 
required; if we had her not, then we must go into our whole 
case. Unhappily she was not to be found, so Williams went 
on to open our case in detail, and to urge such points as I 
had insufficiently touched upon. But, above all, he had to 
open our evidence, as Mariette Bron was not to be found. 
In ‘the course of a few days we came to the knowledge of 
things in her conduct, and of declarations which. she had 
made to connections of her sister, that rendered calling her 
quite impossible. 


Z8T. 43.] THE TRIAL, 303 


The peroration of the address above referred to was as fol- 
lows; and the subjoined letter, written to my mother by Lord 
Minto, a partisan of Lord Granville (who voted for the bill), 
would seem to show that our case, as set ferth in that address, 
had had its effect: “Such, then, my lords, is this case. And 
again let me call on you, even at the risk of repetition, never 
to dismiss for a moment from your minds the two great points 
upon which I rest my attack upon the evidence; first, that 
the accusers have not proved the facts by the good witnesses 
who were within their reach, whom they had no shadow of. 
pretext for not calling; and, secondly, that the witnesses whom 
‘they have ventured to call are, every one of them, irreparably 
damaged in their credit. How, I again ask, is a plot ever to 
be discovered, except by the means of these two principles ? 
Nay, there are instances in which plots have been discovered 
through the medium of the sétond principle when the first 
had happened to fail. When venerable witnesses have been 
seen brought forward—when persons above all suspicion have 
lent themselves for a season to impure plans—when no escape 
for the guiltless seemed open, no chance of safety to remain 
—they have almost providentially escaped from the snare by 
the second of those two principles; by the evidence breaking 
down where it was not expected to be sifted; by a weak 
point being found where no provision, the attack being un- 
foreseen, had been made to support it. Your lordships recol- 
lect that great passage—I say great, for it is poetically just 
and eloquent, even were it not inspired—in the sacred writ- 
ings, where the elders had joined themselves in a plot which 
had appeared to have succeeded; ‘for that, as the Book says, 
‘they had hardened their hearts, and had turned away their 
eyes, that they might not look at Heaven, and that they might 
do the purposes of unjust judgments.’ But they, though giv- 
ing a clear, consistent, uncontradicted story, were disappoint- 
ed, and their victim was rescued from their gripe by the tri- 
fling circumstance of a contradiction about a tamarisk-tree. 
Let not man call those contradictions or those falsehoods 
which false witnesses swear to from needless and heedless 
falsehood—such as Sacchi-about his changing his name; or 
such as Demont about her letters; such as Majocchi about the 
banker’s clerk; or such as all the other contradictions and 





304 DEFENSH OF QUEEN CARCLINE. [1820. 


falsehoods, not going to the main body of the case, but to the * 
main body of the credit of the witnesses—let not man rash- 
ly and blindly call these things accidents. They are just 
rather than merciful dispensations of that Providence which 
wills not that the guilty should triumph, and which favora- 
bly protects the innocent. 

“Such, my lords,is the case now before you! Such is the 
evidence in support of this measure—evidence inadequate to 
prove a debt—impotent to deprive of a civil right—ridiculous 
to convict of the lowest offense—scandalous if brought for- 
ward to support a charge of the highest nature which the law 
knows—monstrous to ruin the honor, to blast the name, of an 
_English queen! What shall I say, then, if this is the proof 
by which an act of judicial legislation, a Parliamentary sen- # 
tence, an ex post facto law, is sought to be passed against this 
defenseless woman? My lords, I pray you to pause. I do 
earnestly beseech you to take heed. You are standing upon 
the brink of a precipice; then beware! It will go forth your 
judgment, if sentence shall go against the queen. But it will 
be the only judgment you ever pronounced, which, instead of 
reaching its object, will return and bound back upon those 
who gave it. Save the country, my lords, from the horrors 
of this catastrophe—save yourselves from this peril; rescue 
that country, of which you are the ornaments, but in which 
you can flourish no longer, when severed from the people, 
than the blossom when cut off from the roots and the stem 
of the tree. Save that country, that you may continue to 
adorn it—save the Crown, which is in jeopardy—the Aristoc- 
racy, Which is shaken—save the Altar, which must stagger 
with the blow that rends its kindred Throne. You have said, 
my lords, you have willed —the Church and the king have 
willed—that the queen should be deprived of its solemn sery- 
ice. She has, instead of that solemnity, the heartfelt prayers 
of the people. She wants no prayers of mine. But I do here 
pour forth my humble supplications at the throne of mercy, 
_ that that mercy may be poured down upon the people in a 
larger measure than the merits of their rulers may deserve, 
and that your hearts may be turned to justice !”* 





* Speeches, i., 226 et seq. 


zr. 43.] THE TRIAL, 305 


The letter of Lord Minto, which I before referred to, was 
as follows: 

‘* House of Lords, October 4, 1820. 

“My pear Mrs. Brovanam,—For fear others should be 
too much occupied to think of you this morning, I take the 
opportunity of a short interruption in the proceedings of the 
day, to let you know that Brougham has just concluded a 
speech which has delighted and astonished the most sanguine 
of his friends, who, you may believe, were prepared to expect 
as much from him as man is capable of. 

“In addition to his own peculiar and powerful style of elo- 
quence, he has on this occasion shown that he is capable of 
equal excellence in a species of oratory for which many had 
not given him credit. 

“T will not say a word more of it, but I assure you that its 
effect upon even those who are not disposed to judge kindly, 
has been equally flattering. It will never be forgotten. 

“Ever yours most sincerely, Minto.” 


As soon as I heard that Government had given up the bill, 
I wrote to my brother James, then on a visit to Lord Kin- 
naird in Scotland : 

‘* Friday, November 10, 1820. 

“The bill is thrown out to-day. We run them to nine 
majority, so they gave in. 

“What will happen here God knows. The town is of 
course in a bustle. I should have been eaten up alive to-day, 
as I was near being yesterday at the Lord-mayor’s Day, but I 
came away by a by-path. I walked quietly off, therefore, and 
then got home unobserved ; only I-was recognized looking at 
something in a shop-window, so I got into a hackney-coach, 
and then went and dined as usual at the Bench table, Lin- 
coln’s Inn, and was all evening in chambers, and have been in 
court all to-day. 

“No business all day in the City, and now all is illumi- 
nated, even more than after Waterloo; and 7 may be better 
for the country, if it is well improved. If there is a change 
of system and an end of jobbing, it will be well. Should . 
there be a change, my fixed intention is not to take office. I 
shall remain quietly in the law, and shall (if they come in) get 


306 DEFENSE OF QUEEN CAROLINE. [1820. 


them to make Denman solicitor-general under Scarlett, who” 
must be attorney. My course is clear: I will not lose my in- 
fluence in the country, so capable of being turned to the best 
purposes. This I should lose by taking such a place as solic- 
itor-general, and I can make as much money as I have occa- 
sion for, without place. 

“Tf they come in, I shall be a far better support to them if 
I am out of office. If they do come in, Kinnaird must not 
only be made an English peer, but hold some very great of- 
fice. He is the cleverest man going, as well as the most hon- 
orable and agreeable. Pray remember me to him. H. B.” 


Among the many things which have been suggested by 
persons in criticising our conduct of the cause, and which 
had occurred to ourselves and been rejected with more or 
less of unanimity, that which a secretary of Canning has 
given as his view of our error, cer tainly never had for a mo- 
ment occurred to any one of us. He says that Canning 
charged me with a great error, in not, when I delivered my 
address, at once reading to the House a list of the witnesses 
whom I was prepared to call; and this, it seems, he thought, 
would have been enough to obtain immediate judgment 
against the bill. I will venture to say that any thing more 
absurd never entered into any man’s mind, I may say, in the 
conduct of any cause or legal proceeding ; and I am justified 
in supposing that he must have been misunderstood. No 
one, how ignorant soever of law proceedings, could seriously 
believe such a course deserving of a moment’s consideration. 

I have often been asked what I should have done had the 
bill passed the Lords, instead of being withdrawn after the 
second reading. I have said, as I did while it was going on, 
that I should certainly stop it in the Commons. It must, ac- 
cording to the rules of proceeding, have been brought down 
by two judges, as a royal family bill, and not by masters in 
Chancery ; and I used to say that these judges would pass a 
great part of their lives in the lobby of the House of Com. ns; 
for I should assuredly debate night after night, and prevent 
it being brought up to the table. With a large portion of 
the House in our favor by their votes, almost the whole in 
their heart against the bill, possibly a majority exen voting 


- 


£T, 43.) THE TRIAL. 307 


against it—but at all events a very large minority, and nearly 
the whole country agreeing with that minority—its making 
any progress was absolutely impossible. 

Much has been said of the feeling of the troops. Of this 
we had remarkable proofs. The soldiers, like many of the 
people, considered that the queen as well as the king was en- 
titled a their allegiance. Indeed, “God save the king and 
queen” was in former days a very common form of expres- 
sion; for instance, it was at the foot of all the play-bills. I 
recollect a letter of my mother telling me with some alarm of 
a regiment of cavalry stopping on its march at Penrith, and 
hearing they were in my neighborhood, they drank my health, 
hut thé queen’s, of course, with much more enthusiasm ; aa 
vowed “ they would fight up to their knees in blood for ‘thems 
queen.” At one time. the evidence against her appeared to 
be strong, and the impression unfavorable for a day, as on 
Majocchi’s examination in chief. The Guards, in their un- 
dress trowsers and foraging-caps, came at night to where they 
supposed the queen was, or her family and fr iends, and they 

said, “ Never mind; it a be going badly, but, better or 
worse, we are all with you.” I was exceedingly Ae e at 
such things; and peremptorily desired that not only no en- 
couragement should be given to these men, but that no com- 
munication whatever should be had with any soldiers. I was 
quite certain that it only required a single instance of such 


»language being used in the presence of any one connected 


with our case, not only to destroy it at once in both Houses 
of Parliament, but in a weck’s time with all rational and re- 
flecting persons, and in less than a month with the rest of the 
community, whom the respectable and reflecting class never 
fails to influence sooner or later. The Duke of Gloucester, to 
whom I mentioned the state of feeling in the army (express- 
ing my sense of the escape we had made by the Duke of Kent 
not being at the head of a party now against the king, as he 
had a few years back been against the Duke of York), said 
he totally disbelieved it. Next day I saw him again and asked 
him how it had happened that his own regiment of Guards 
had been ordered out of London in consequence of the lan- 
guage they held. He denied it. But again I saw him, and 
proved to him that the regiment had mutinied at Kingston 


308 DEFENSE OF QUEEN CAROLINE. [1820. 


on its march to a more distant quarter. Nothing was to be 
remarked in the conduct of the men who, with the police, had 
the management of the streets as regarded the mob. Daily, 
no doubt, there were loud demonstrations as different peers 
passed, great cheering of some, and much hissing and yelling 
at others. The pressure of the crowd was also great, and 
waeuld have been most troublesome to the peers when they 
left their carriages and entered the House, but for an arrange- 
ment that was made after the inconvenience experienced the 
first day. A great barrier was erected across the street at the 
entrance of Old Palace Yard, and this broke the force of the 
crowd, so that the other barrier round the entrance of the 
House was quite sufficient protection. There never was the 
least collision between the mob and either the troops or the 
police. But all our accounts were that the soldiers showed 
plain signs of being with the multitude in their cheers and 
yells. 

Independent of our support from the people, and even upon 
the supposition of the case appearing against us, I had a sure 
resource—a course which could not have failed,even if the 
bill had actually passed the Lords. The threat which I held 
out in opening the defense was supposed to mean recrimina- 
tion; and no doubt it included that. We had abundant evi- 
dence of the most unexceptionable kind, which would have 
proved a strong case against the king; indeed, an unques- 
tionable one of that description.* But we never could be cer- « 


* The passage referred to is as follows: ‘‘ My lords, the Princess Caroline 
of Brunswick arrived in this country in the year 1795—the niece of our soy- 
ereign, the intended consort of his heir-apparent, and herself not a very re- 
mote heir to the crown of these realms. But I now go back to that period, 
only for the purpose of passing over all the interval which elapsed between 
her arrival then and her departure in 1814. I rejoice that, for the present at 
least, the most faithful discharge of my duty permits me to draw this veil; 
but I can not do so without pausing for an instant to guard myself against a 
misrepresentation to which I know this cause may not unnaturally be exposed, 
and to assure your lordships most solemnly, that if I did not think that the 
cause of the queen, as attempted to be established by the evidence against 
her, not only does not require recrimination at present—not only imposes no 
duty of even uttering one whisper, whether by way of attack or by way of in- 
sinuation, against the conduct of her illustrious husband—but that it rather 
prescribes to me, for the present, silence upon this great and painful head of 
the case—I solemnly assure your lordships, that but for this conviction, my 





a1. 43,] THE TRIAL. 309 


tain of this proving decisive with both Houses; and it as- 
suredly never would have been sufficient to make the king 
‘give up the bill. He knew that all the facts of his conduct 
with Lady Jersey and others were universally known in soci- 
ety, and he cared little for their being proved at the bar of the 
Lords. When I said that it might be my painful duty to 
bring forward what would involve the country in confusion, I 
was astonished that every body should have conceived re- 
crimination to be al/I intended. Possibly their attention was 
confined to this from nothing but recrimination having ever 
been hinted at, either by us or our supporters in either House, 
or by the writers who discussed the case in the newspapers ; 
and I was very well satisfied with the mistake, because it was 
of the last importance that the real ground of defense should 
be brought forward by surprise; or, at all events, that it should 
be presented at once in its full proportions, and by a short and 
clear statement. The ground, then, was neither more nor less 
than impeaching the king’s own title, by proving that he had 
forfeited the crown. He had married a Roman Catholic (Mrs. 
Fitzherbert) while heir-apparent, and this is declared by the 
Act of Settlement to be a forfeiture of the crown, “as if he 








lips on that branch would nor be closed; for, in discretionally abandoning 
the exercise of the power which I feel I have, in postponing for the present 
the statement of that case of which I am possessed, I feel confident that I am 
. waiving a right which I possess, and abstaining from the use of materials 
which are mine. And let it not be thought, my lords, that if either now I 
did conceive, or ff hereafter I should so far be disappointed in my expectation 
that the case against me will fail, as to feel it necessary to exercise that right 
—let no man vainly suppose, that not only I, but that any the youngest mem- 
ber of the profession would hesitate oné moment in the fearless discharge of 
his paramount duty. I once before took leave to remind your lordships— 
which was unnecessary, but there are many whom it may be needful to remind 
—that an advocate, by the sacred duty which he owes his client, knows, in 
the discharge of that office, but one person in the world, ruaT CLIENT AND 
NONE OTHER. ‘To save that client by all expedient means—to protect that 
client at all hazards and costs to all others, and among others to himself—is 
the highest and most unquestioned of his duties; and he must not regard the 
alarm, the suffering, the torment, the destruction, which he may bring upon 
any other. Nay, separating even the duties of a patriot from those of an ad- 
vocate, and casting them, if need be, to the wind, he must go on reckless of 
the consequences, if his fate it should unhappily be, to involve his country in 
confusion for his client’s protection!” 


310 DEFENSE OF QUEEN CAROLINE. [1820. 


were naturally dead.” We were not in possession of all the 
circumstances as I have since ascertained them, but we had 
enough to prove the fact. Mrs. Fitzherbert’s uncle, Mr. Er- 
rington, who was present at the marriage—indeed it was per- 
formed in his house—was still alive, and though, no doubt, 
he would have had a right to refuse answering a question to 
which an affirmative answer exposed him to the pains and 
penalties of a premunire, denounced against any person pres- 
ent at such a marriage, it was almost certain that, on Mrs. 
Fitzherbert’s behalf, he would have waived the protection, and 
given his testimony to prove the marriage; but even his re- 
fusal would have left the conviction in all men’s minds that 
the marriage had taken place. However, there existed ample 
evidence, which Errington would undoubtedly have enabled 
us to produce without the possibility of incurring any penalty 
whatever. Mrs. Fitzherbert was possessed of a will of the 
prince in her favor, signed with his own hand, if not written 
entirely by himself, and in which he calls her his dear wite. 
I had a copy of this, if not the original, given me by her fa- 
vorite, and adopted child, Mrs. Dawson Damer, who nat- 
urally took a warm interest in defending the memory of her 
friend and protectress.* 

The whole subject of the marriage is discussed in a book 
of her nephew’s, Lord Stourton, and Mr. Charles Langdale, 
but the narrative is far from being distinct. They refer to 
the papers left in the hands of the Duke of Wellington and 
Lord Albemarle, and deposited at the bank of Messrs. Coutts, 
and which the Langdales had not the means of obtaining ac- 
cess to, but which we should have had by summoning them 
as witnesses. 

It is very remarkable that so important an enactment as 
one affixing the penalty of the crown’s forfeiture should be 
framed in so clumsy and careless a manner. No means of 
carrying it into effect are provided; no declaration of the 
powers by whom the fact is to be ascertained is made; or by 





* See in Lord Holland’s ‘‘ History of the Whig Party,” vol. i., p. 123, a 
reference to the deposited documents, whence Lord Holland infers, ‘‘ the 
truth that there was such a ceremony is now no matter of conjecture or in- 
ference, but of history.” 


2T, 43.] THE TRIAL, 311 


what authority the subject is to be absolved from his alle- 
giance, and that allegiance transferred from one to another. 
It is probable that, if the circumstance occurred, the two 
houses of Parliament would, from the necessity of the case, 
be required to interpose, as in the two precedents of 1788 and 
1811 of the regency. But the statute is altogether silent, and 
the whole enactment assumes the form of a menace or denun- 
ciation. Nevertheless its meaning is clear; the intention is 
to prevent a Roman Catholic marriage, and to forfeit all right 
and title in whatever king or heir to the crown contracts such 
a marriage. The bringing forward, therefore, the marriage 
with Mrs. Fitzherbert, was of necessity the announcement ei- 
ther that the king had ceased to be king, or that the other 
branches of the Legislature must immediately inquire into 
the fact of the prohibited marriage, or that there must be a 
disputed succession, or, in other words, that civil war was in- 
evitable. The bringing forward this case, therefore, must at 
once have put an end to the bill; and whether that would 
suflice, depended upon the Duke of York; but the very best 
that could happen was the abandonment of the bill peaceably, 
and the king being left with a doubtful title, which his adyer- 
saries would not fail to represent as no title at all. 

It was, in discussing this question, often contended that, the 
marriage being illegal, as having been contracted without the 
royal assent which the Royal Marriage Act requires, there 
could be no forfeiture, the ceremony being a mere nullity. 
But all lawyers know that acts of various kinds, both by the 
laws of England and of Scotland, are followed by forfeiture 
of the party’s rights who commits the acts, as if he were nat- 
urally dead, and by the succession of the next heir, the forfeit- 
ure being denounced in order to deter from even the attempt 
to do the thing forbidden, how ineffectual soever that thing 
may be in itself for any purpose save the incurring the penal- 
ty. Indeed, the case of bigamy is precisely of this descrip- 
tion. The second wife has no rights whatever; her marriage 
is a nullity; but she and her pretended husband incur the 
penalty of felony. When Lord John Russell published 
Moore’s Life—a collection of anecdotes picked up by Moore 
in private companies, hoarded by him, and left to be published 
as a provision for his family—there were found, among other 


> 


312 DEFENSE OF QUEEN CAROLINE. [1820. 


things which he had no right whatever to repeat, a conversa- 
tion at Denman’s table, in which he and Williams and myself 
took part, as well as Charles Butler, the celebrated convey- 
ancer. The objection was taken which I have mentioned, of 
the Royal Marriage Act, and was at once disposed of, not 
"only by all of us who had been the queen’s counsel, but clearly 
and without hesitation by Butler. So far the account is cor- 
rect; but a gross error is added—namely, that Butler asked 
me why we did not make the Fitzherbert marriage our de- 
fense? and that I answered, Because we had not proof of it. 
This I never said or could say, for we had well considered it, 
and knew that we had the means of proving the marriage. 
Butler took an interest in the subject beyond that of most 
people, from being a strict Catholic. 

The common belief was that the marriage took place on 
board ship, with the view of avoiding the penalties imposed 
on those who celebrated it and those who witnessed it. I, 
many years after the proceeding in the queen’s case, had the 
most material particulars from Sam Johnes, a clergyman of 
large preferment, both in the City and in Hertfordshire, where 
I went to sce him from Brocket Hall. He had been one of 
the Prince’s friends, and had promised to perform the cere- 
mony; but as he was walking home from Carlton House, he 
recollected having some time before given Admiral Payne 
(another of the prince’s friends) his promise not to do so, the 
admiral being anxious to throw all the obstacles he could in 
the way of what he knew was intended. So the next morn- 
ing he returned to Pall-Mall, saw the prince, and informed 
him of his previous promise, and refused to break it. The 
prince never forgave him, nor for many years did Mrs. Fitz- 
herbert ; but she afterwards was good-natured about it, and 
forgave him. He assured me that he knew the date and the 
place; that it was performed in London, at Errington’s (her 
uncle), as at the time generally supposed, and by a Protestant 
clergyman, settled in the west of England, whose name Johnes 
_ refused to give.* 

I never have been able to ascertain what view the king 





* All this was fully confirmed by Lord Stourton, who stated to me that 
two of Mrs. Fitzherbert’s nearest relatives were present at the ceremony. 


ZT, 43.] THE TRIAL,” 3135 


took of my intentions, if driven to it, to bring forward this 
case. He very possibly persuaded himself that I should not, 
or that it might be time enough to prevent me when the bill 
passed. 

He of course took a great interest in\all that passed in the 
House of Lords, and was informed from time to time of the 
proceedings there. Castlereagh attended regularly, and had 
frequent communication with his colleagues in the House. 
Canning’s friends, as Morley, took part with us, and I gener- 
ally found that their calculations of the divisions on different 
questions were correct. The thing which gave most vexation 
to the king, besides the unfavorable result, was Denman’s per- 
sonal attack, which fixed upon him the name of Nero, which 
he for a long time conceived to have had a reference to worse 
crimes than were meant, and which created a personal aver- 
sion that prevented his promotion as king’s counsel, not only 
all through Eldon’s chancellorship, but also through Lynd- 
hurst’s, when I had been prevailed upon to take rank on ac- 
count of my juniors, who suffered from my not having it. 
To me he did not object, but Lyndhurst could not prevail on 
the king as to Denman. It was the Duke of Wellington who 
accomplished this, but with a full correction of the mistake 
as to Nero. It was absurd enough that, next to that, the 
greatest offense given was in my quotation from Milton’s de- 
scription of death— 

. “*Shape had none, 
Distinguishable in member, joint, or limb.” 
No doubt the application was to him, but only for the descrip- 


tion of the head— 
““'What seemed his head, 
The likeness of a kingly erown had on.” 


to show our impression that he was the true author of the 
proceedings. He said I might have at least spared him the 
attack upon his shape. He was more vain of his person and 
of his slim figure than of almost any thing else; and he said 
to Lord Donoughmore (Hutchinson’s brother), who saw him 
daily, being a great friend, though not at all one of the Carl- 
ton House set, that he thought every body allowed, whatever 
faults he might have, that his legs were not as I had de- 
scribed them. It was in vain that Donoughmore tried to 
Vou. I.—O 


* 
314 DEFENSE OF QUEEN CAROLINE. [1820. 


convince him of the quotation only referring to the crown. 
He said he was certain I had heard of his piquing himself on 
his shape, and that I thought it would plague him to have it 
held up to ridicule. I must fairly own that this was not my 
object in giving the whole passage, but the desire, perhaps a 
childish one, to declaim that magnificent passage, as I had 
been praised for some declamatory passages in the course of 
the proceedings. I recollect that the declaiming of this pas- 
sage was abundantly successful. Creevey said I ought to go 
upon the stage if Eldon continued to persecute me at the bar. 
My own belief is that the success was in a great measure ow- 
ing to what never entered into my mind at the time—the 
king’s mistake having been shared by the audience. 

The division on the second reading was a moment of great 
anxiety to us, because on the amount of the majority, which 
we were fully certain would be against us, depended the im- 
mediate or postponed fate of the bill. I was standing by 
Croker on the steps of the throne, he a stout friend of the 
bill, and I expressed strongly my opinion of the unwise con- 
duct of the Duke of York in supporting it, as likely to revive 
all the rancor against him of 1809. But Croker, who had 
taken a very active part in that affair, held it to be clear that 
the public opinion would, on the success of the bill, come 
over to the duke, as it had in his own case, after the proceed- 
ings of Wardle and Mrs. Clark had so much damaged them ; 
and I candidly ’admitted to him that there was a great deal 
in his statement as to these individuals. 

We continued conversing while the vote was taken, and on 
the number being announced, nine, I said, “There is an end 
of your bill.” “ Why so?” asked Croker. I answered, “ Be- 
cause the majority is the number of the ministers and high 
officers in this house, and it won’t do to pass such a bill by 
their votes.” 

It was announced next day to be withdrawn. I knew that, 
greatly as the bill had lost its virtue in the king’s eyes since 
the divorce clause was struck out, he continued very anxious 
for its passing, and was bitterly vexed with the ministers, 
whom he discovered by many indications to be well satisfied 
at getting rid of it in any way. Indeed this had long been 
plain, if it was not from the very first. I remember seeing 


aT. 43. ] THE TRIAL. 315 


Eldon to consider some matter of importance respecting the 
order of proceeding, and when I said, “You know, to a cer- 
tain extent, you and we are in the same boat;” he answered, 
“So cursed a boat I never was in before, and never shall be 
again.” We knew his indignation at Leach, whom he ac- 
cused, not without reason, of having been the great promoter 
of the measure, he having unquestionably been the king’s 
chief counsellor, and taken a most active part in the prelim- 
inary proceedings. Eldon’s delight was unbounded at Den- 
man’s quotation, referring to Leach, “some cogging, cozening 
knave, to get some oflice” (the Great Seal being manifestly 
Leach’s object) ; and he was, if possible, still more delighted 
with the reception which this passage in Shakspeare had at 
the theatre the night after, when that play was given, and the 
audience instantly took it up, applauding loudly. On one 
occasion Eldon said, with one of his oaths, “he’d have him 
hanged before he had done with him.” Another indication 
of the feeling against the bill we had, when one day during 
the trial I happened to go into one of the rooms, where I 
found Sir Walter Scott and the Duke of Clarence. I imme- 
diately drew back, having mistaken the room for our consul- 
tation-chamber; but the duke called me in; and, good-hu- 
mored as he always was, having been somewhat severely at- 
tacked by us for the part he took in the secret committee on 
the papers, he said, “Of one thing I am quite sure ; whatever 
" your client may be in other respects, she is not what you have 
represented her, a defenseless woman :” in which Sir Walter 
Scott very courteously agreed, and added how much he wished 
he had never heard any thing of the bill. The duke having 
asked him some question referring to the authorship of the 
Waverley Novels, he said, “Sir, I must give your royal high- 
ness the favorite answer of the day, ‘Non mi ricordo, ” 

The abandonment of the bill put an end to the worst part 
of the evil which the country had suffered for so long a peri- 
od. The agitation, which had been very great ever since the 
queen’s arrival, but excessive since the proceedings in the 
Lords began, about three months (17th August to 7th No- 
vember), was now nearly terminated, and very great riskgehad 
been escaped. The dangers to the peace of the country—in 
some degree to the monarchy—was at an end. On looking 


516 QUEEN CAROLINE. [ 1820. 


back to that time of anxiety, because of serious hazards in 
more ways than one,I feel that I had nothing wherewith to 
reproach myself, and that all had been done that was in my 
power to prevent .any risk from being run. Every thing I 
could do had been done to prevent the queen from coming 
over, in redemption of the pledge I had given that no use of 
her should ever be made for factious purposes. This was 
fully acknowledged by the Government, as appears by the fol- 
lowing letter of Lord Liverpool, written just before the St. 
Omer negotiation : 


“Lord Liverpool presents his compliments to Mr. Brough- 
am; he has just received his note, and has only to say in ob- 
servation upon it, that Mr. Brougham may rely upon Lord L. 
doing full justice to Mr. Brougham’s conduct in every part of 
the delicate transaction in which he has been engaged. 

“ Lord Liverpool has never doubted that it was Mr. Brough- 
am’s sincere wish to prevent the unpleasant consequences 
which must arise from the arrival of the queen, and that he 
would be actuated by a due regard to these considerations as 
far as the professional relation in which he stood to the queen 
would permit. 

“Tord Liverpool certainly regrets that Mr. Brougham’s 
other engagements prevented him from meeting the queen at 
Geneva, but he will still hope that he will arrive in time to 
avert the inconveniences which musé result from her majesty’s 
landing in this country. 

¢ June 1, 1820.” 


But I had gone much farther, both for the interests of the 
country and of the queen herself, by taking a step in the 
House of Commons which bid fair to put a stop to the pro- 
ceedings against her. 

Immediately after the king had determined they should be 
taken, and his servants had submitted, contrary both to their 
decided opinions and to their public duty, I had announced 
that if they gave up the bill at once, they were absolutely se- 
curé§against the loss of their places, because I could pledge 
the Opposition to refuse taking the Government on their pred- 
ecessors being dismissed for giving up the bill. Even with- 


£7. 43.] AFTER THE TRIAL. 317 


out a formal authority from the party, I knew that I was safe 
with them in making this declaration; just as I, nine years 
after, took upon me to make the same declaration, upon inti- 
mation reaching me in the House that, under the Duke of 
Cumberland’s influence, the king had suddenly resolved to re- 
sist Catholic Emancipation. He met me,I know, in 1829— 
and I have every reason to believe also in 1820—with a very 
cunningly devised movement, by telling the ministers that if 
they were dismissed, or resigned, he would take in the Oppo- 
sition, and not require in the one case the bill to be proceed- 
ed with, and in the other the Catholic question to be given 
up. In both instances this would have removed all objection 
on our part to taking the Government, and therefore the no- 
tice given by him to this effect proved most important to his 
purpose. It failed in 1829 to accomplish his object ; because 
our movement satisfied the Duke of Wellington, accompanied 
as it was by a similar declaration on the part of the Canning 
party (through Huskisson), that a government could not be 
formed, we feeling quite certain that the king would not take 
us in to carry the question. They were, however, for twenty- 
four hots out of office; and Lyndhurst has often told me of 
the scene which they had on their half-resignation, half-dis- 
missal, when, among other marks of favor, the king kissed 
them all round. If the duke had in 1820 possessed the same 
weight with his colleagues, and had had the same political 
experience, his sound and sagacious head would have had the 
same decisive influence. He would have perceived clearly 
that the king never could have taken us into his service, and 
undergone that suffering in addition to taking the bill, so the 
measure would have been given-up. The others believed the 
king, and therefore went on with the bill to save their goy- 
ernment. 

The end of the bill, though it terminated the greatest risks, 
did not by any means put an end to all ferment, either in 
Parliament or in the country. The queen’s treatment, and es- 
pecially the late proceedings, formed the main subjects of dis- 
cussion in the Commons, and agitation at all public meetings. 
Wetherall’s motion on the omission of her name in the Lit- 
urgy—Archibald Hamilton’s opposition to the address—had 
a great effect in the queen’s favor; and I can answer for con- 


318 QUEEN CAROLINE. [1820. 


stant resolutions of thanks in various parts of the country, 
and applications to attend meetings, which all her counsel of 
course refused. It was with great difficulty that, happening 
to be at Raby on my way from Brougham at Christmas, I es- 
caped a concourse assembled to congratulate upon the fate of 
the bill. Grey had the same reception among the Newcastle 
people. So had Denman and Williams at different places. 
Carlton House now took the course of filling the press with 
libels to deter all ladies from visiting the queen. Papers 
were established with the avowed purpose of attacking every 
woman of rank who accepted her invitations. Carlton House 
was thrown open at the same time to such as refused to visit 
the queen; and I hesitate not to declare that this course was 
perfectly successful, not merely with the women, but also with 
their male relations, so as, to my certain knowledge, to influ- 
ence their votes in both houses. They both were unwilling 
to expose their wives and sisters to a slanderous press, and 
averse to losing for them the balls at Carlton House. The 
queen bore it all with great patience, and even good-humor. 
She used to say, “ Oh, it is all inthe common course. People 
go to different inns: one goes to the King’s Head, another to 
the Angel.” It must be admitted, however, that she did not 
act with discretion. Difficult as it would have been to avoid 
all errors in her peculiarly hard position, she was far too free 
of access, and invited persons to her table who came there for 
no other purpose than to gossip and laugh at her. Against 
this she was warned; but, indeed, the reports carefully circu- 
lated by her enemies, that she had formed an acquaintance 
with certain individuals, should have been warning enough. 
Of these Lady Oxford was the chief. In 1814 they had put 
about these reports, and at the time of the rumors confidently 
asserting her intimacy I can most positively affirm that she 
had never even seen her. She soon after saw a great deal of 
her abroad, and was not deterred by the eagerness of the 
Carlton House set to find that it was so. The same kind of 
things continually occurred in 1820 and the following spring. 
She passed her time very uncomfortably, in consequence of 
constant vexations arising from the scandalous newspapers 
and the reports in society, most of which were purposely 
brought to her knowledge, in the hope of wearing her out, 


ZT. 43. ] THE CORONATION. 319 


and making her again go abroad. Among the tricks prac- 
tised, there were thefts of her papers and letters, as well as of 
letters in other people’s possession. I recollect one instance 
- of a person in the Duke of York’s service, who had been in 
that of Sir James Graham, and had there picked up a letter 
of mine giving an account of the difficulty we had in prevail- 
ing upon her to attend the great ceremony of her going to St. 
Paul’s to return thanks on the bill being defeated. Ihad ob- 
served how false the belief was that she was so fond of popu- 
lar demonstrations; and I said it was with great difficulty 
that we could get her to St. Paul’s. This was put into some 
person’s hands for the purpose of being printed, and of show- 
ing how disrespectfully her lawyers talked of her. I do not 
recollect what the letter called her, but the slander-monger 
who used it thought it would be the better if a word were 
added, and he put in “sober,” it being one of the many lies 
told about her that she was given to drink—a thing which 
had at no time of her life the shadow of foundation. Lady 
Charlotte Lindsay was beset by persons to find out the fact 
respecting this ridiculous charge, and always gave the same 
answer, as did all her ladies, and Mrs. Damer, who lived a 
great deal with her. It is undeniable that all these vexatious 
proceedings tended to make her turn her thoughts towards 
once more travelling; and she had some intentions of visit- 
ing Scotland, but upon the whole her thoughts were turned 
more towards Switzerland and the north of Italy. 

It was now determined that the coronation should take 
place. And till that was over she could not quit London. 
Her claim was made to be crowned as a right; and the claim 
being referred to the Privy Council, we were heard before a 
very crowded meeting, Lord Harrowby, as president, in the 
chair. The attorney and solicitor-general attended as assess- 
ors to the Council; and there were present to assist, the 
chancellor, the chief-justices, and chief baron, and all the oth- 
er judges who were privy councillors. Denman and I argued 
the case at the bar for the claim, the attorney and solicitor- 
general (Gifford and Copley) against it; and the decision 
was, that as the queen was living separate from the king, she 
had no right to be crowned ; and thus it was left to the king 
to refuse it. This was manifestly a political judgment, en- 


320 QUEEN CAROLINE. [1820, 


tirely influenced by what had taken place the year before ; 
for we showed, by the clearest proofs, that there was no in- 
stance whatever of a queen not being crowned, except one, 
when she was abroad; and another, where there was a differ- 
ence of religion, and she declined it; but none whatever of a 
queen-consort not being crowned when she was within the 
realm, of the same religion with the king, and willing to be 
crowned. My own impression was that the lay lords, not 
being in office—and even Lord Harrowby, though in offiee— 
were inclined to our case; but that the law lords, including 
the judges, were against us—those judges who had taken a 
very decided part against us in the lords as assessors to the 
House, and had done themselves as little credit as possible in 
their answers to the legal questions put to them, the most im- 
portant of which has been disapproved by all lawyers since, 
and declared to be erroneous by late statutes—so much so 
that “the rule in the queen’s case” has been a strong topic 
of ridicule in the profession. 

The coronation then went on; and finding the queen in- 
clined to appear in the Abbey, we very strongly advised her 
against any such proceeding. A letter was addressed to her 
by Denman and myself, protesting against such a step, al- 
though she had got a ticket of admission through a friend, 
who had obtained the Duke of Wellington’s order; and the 
using this was an additional imprudence, which gave rise to 
much obloquy, not unnaturally. The king, being apprised of 
her intention, was beyond measure alarmed; and every pre- 
caution was taken to prevent her from getting into the Ab- 
bey. She was stopped at one gate, and then went to another, 
where she was again refused admittance; and those very fool- 
ish persons who had set her upon this most unwise proceed- 
ing now saw that even the mob were against them ; for they 
confined their feeling against the king to a little hissing as he 
passed, and received the queen very coldly. The difference 
between her reception then and on that wonderful day when 
she went to St. Paul’s was very striking. But it must be add- 
ed that much of the difference and all the failure was owing 
to herself. We had ail told her that she ought not by any 
means to attempt to enter the Abbey, and gave her many 
good reasons against it—among others, that the public feeling 


. 





ET, 40. ] HER LAST ILLNESS. 321 


would not go along with her. But we distinctly said that if 
she made the attempt, she must do it with her wonted firm- 
ness, and that she must make her way into the Abbey if she 
chose to try it, because, having an order, she could not be 
stopped when she insisted upon it. Had I khown whose or- 
der it was, I certainly should have made it an additional 
ground of refusing my consent to her proceeding. But I 
only knew it was a valid order, and joined with Denman and 
one or two of her ladies in saying she must either not make 
the attempt at all, or must make it so as to succeed. On the 
contrary, she flinched—I verily believe, for the first time in 
her life; and instead of insisting on admission at the great 
gate, she drew back on the refusal, which was made known 
to those at the other door, and she was entirely defeated. 
There was some talk of allowing her to enter Westminster 
Hall and see the banquet, bat that she of course refused. 

The consequence of this unfortunate day was a severe ill- 
ness, which she made worse by taking opiates to relieve the 
great pain she suffered; and it was soon found that there 
was.a most dangerous obstruction. There were hopes, how- 
ever, of it yielding to the treatment employed, and when I 
left town for York the prospect of her recovery was favora- 
ble. I saw her the day on which I set out, and was with her 
half an hour. She spoke-very calmly of her case; and when 
I told her of the satisfactory opinion which I had just heard 
from her medical men, she said, “ Oh no, my dear Mr. Brough- 
am, I shall not recover; and I am much better dead, for I be 
tired of this life.” 

On my way to York I wrote as follows to Lord Grey : 


**Grantham, August 5, 1821. 

“My pEAR Lorp Grey,—As you may be desirous of know- 
ing really how the queen is, I write this to say that, though 
she was still in great danger when I left Brandenburgh House 
yesterday at four o’clock, yet she was better, and had several 
- favorable symptoms. The day before there seemed hardly a 
chance, but the inflammation had not returned; the pulse was 
good, both strong and moderate; she had had refreshing 
sleep, and the stomach quiet. The obstruction still continued, 
in spite of 35 grains of calomel in her, besides twenty more 

O 2 


322 DEATH OF QUEEN CAROLINE. [1821. 


supposed to have been rejected, and castor-oil and jalap, etc., 
enough to physic a hundred people. 

“The two risks she runs are, the obstruction continuing, 
and inflammation coming on when it is removed; but the 
pulse is now stich that they can easily bleed her again. She 
lost sixty-four ounces altogether. 

“I saw her on Friday night, when she signed her will, and 
she seemed not to be very ill, and her voice and hand were as 
firm as I ever saw any person’s. She said to me that she was 
quite sure she should die, but did not mind it. However, 
there was something made me believe she did not at all 
think so. 

“All London was in the greatest hubbub about it, as I 
learn. Yours ever, hdc Peete 

“TJ suppose the king would at first be very glad at her 
death; but he would soon find how odious it made him.” 


Two days after I arrived at York I had a letter announcing 
her death. Indeed the favorable symptoms had disappeared 
the morning after I saw her, and the first letter I received at 
York appeared to preclude all hope. 

I returned to London to attend the funeral, and I found 
that Lushington and Wilde, whom she had appointed her exec- 
utors, had a long interview with her the day before she died. 
She was then in no pain, mortification having commenced, and 
she had altogether Tost her head. She talked incessantly on 
every subject for three hours; and it is very remarkable that 
the only persons she mentioned were the “ Petite Victorine,” 
Bergami’s child, and the child of Parson Wood, which she 
had taken one of her fancies for.*. While at Hammersmith 
she had made him her chaplain, and caused Lord and Lady 
Hood to quit their places of Lord of the Bedchamber and 
Mistress of the Robes in order to appoint Wood and his wife, 
who had not the proper rank, and indeed were in all respects 
unfit for the situation. This is the only bad thing I can rec- 
ollect of her doing in the management of her household or. 
other affairs, for the Hoods had been most invaluable friends 





* Son of the Alderman Wood who had made himself somewhat notorious 
_ on the queen’s coming to England in 1820. 


AT, 43,] HER FUNERAL. 323 


and servants, standing by her through all her troubles, and be- 
having on every occasion with the most admirable delicacy, as 
well as tact. But she could not control her fancy for Wood’s 
child, which amounted almost to a craze. She would have it 
brought to play with her, not only at all hours of the day, but 
even of the night, as she often sat up till a very late hour. 
This was the cause of her making way for the Woods, just as 
the Petite Victorine had been the cause of her taking Ber- 
gami into her service, and the sailmaker’s child at Deptford, 
who was called Billy Austin, but for whom another was sub- 
stituted after a few years, the child of one of her ladies in 
Germany, by Prince Louis of Prussia. She had often men- 
tioned this to Lady Charlotte Lindsay and Mrs. Damer, but 
they supposed it was a jest. However, when Lushington and 
Wilde went with the funeral to Germany, and one of them 
presented the other to the general who came to receive the 
body, and then said, “And here is Mr. Austin, of whom you 
have often heard ;” he said, “ Yes, I have often heard of Billy 
Austin, but this is not he: this is the son of my old general, 
Prince William, and so like him that I at once knew him be- 
fore you named him.” This poor lad, to whom Leach, by his 
decision in the affair of the queen’s estate, gave a considerable 
legacy, became a good-for-nothing person, and after going to 
Italy, where he lived near Victorine, then respectably married 
to an Italian count, became deranged, and died in a lunatic 
asylum. 

The funeral was attended by most of those in town who 
had been the queen’s friends. I took Sir Robert Wilson to 
Hammersmith, where she lay in state, and from whence the 
procession took place. His son Henry, who had been one of 
her equerries, was in the carriage with us. The king had 
gone to Ireland, and ministers, having no orders, except to 
prevent all honor being paid, and if possible to prevent the 
procession from marching through the City, acted upon their 
own notions of fulfilling his intentions, and turned out the 
troops to obstruct our passage. An attempt was made by 
us at Kensington to move round the palace, and so reach Ox- 
ford Street, as we were told that we must not go by Piccadil- 
ly. But they prevented us, and obliged us to go through 
Hyde Park, intending to turn us at Apsley House, and so 


324 HER FUNERAL. (1821. 


oblige us to go by the New Road. We told them distinctly 
that the funeral must pass through the City. Nothing oc- 
curred till we got near Apsley House, where the crowd was 
very great. The hearse was allowed to pass, and turned into 
the Park Lane direction by the soldiery. They then tried 
to stop us, but we went on notwithstanding: I heard firing, 
and one or two bullets whistled past us. On the first noise I 
asked Wilson what it was: “Oh,” said he, “it is a noise you 
are not used to; we are in fire.” “Then,” said I, “we must 
get out of it; but perhaps we should do so as soon by going 
on.” He said, “Certainly we should not be one whit worse 
than if we turned round.” So we went forward. Only Wil- 
son got out and told the officer commanding who we were, 
and that we belonged to the procession. After a shot or two 
more, this was effectual, and we escaped without hurt, though 
one of the bullets struck the carriage. We then got into Ox- 
ford Street, and found it crowded by troops, who made us 
turn into one of the streets leading to the New Road, the 
great object being to prevent us from getting into the City. 
However, we made the procession go at a round pace, so as 
to be there before the soldiery could come up; and this was 
the more easy because the New Road was nearly empty, while 
the parallel streets were extremely crowded. We then got 
down the street that slants towards St. Paul’s, and were soon 
in the church-yard. The crowd was enormous, and furious 
at the appearance of the soldiery. As we moved slowly 
through it, several officers, not much liking their situation in 
the crowd, came up to our carriage and entered into conver- 
sation with us, manifestly thinking that their being seen to 
be friends would make things easier with the mob, which it 
did; for those officers were not at all maltreated, as many of 
the others were. We at length got clear of the City, and 
went as far as Ilford in Essex, on the Harwich road. We 
then returned to London, and I can answer for Wilson having 
been at no meeting, or indeed anywhere but at Brookes’s 
and his own house. For whatever meetings there were, all 
were over long before he left me at Brookes’s, where he re- 
mained till midnight. His dismissal from the army was 
grounded, therefore, on an utterly false pretense. I was to 
start early next morning, to overtake the funeral before it ar- 


aT. 43, ] HER PUNERAL. 325 


rived at Chelmsford. I found it had just arrived, and it was 
deemed proper that the coftin should be conveyed to the 
church; but the authorities there objected, and Lushington 
had to call for the interposition of the magistrates to over- 
come the religious scruples of the clergy. Next morning it 
proceeded to Harwich at a continued rapid rate, there being 
the strictest orders sent from Dublin that the embarkation 
must be over before the arrival of the king, which was fixed 
for the next day. On arriving at Harwich we found every 
thing ready prepared for immediate embarkation. The scene 
was such as I never can forget, or reflect upon without emo- 
tion. The multitudes assembled from all parts of the country 
were immense, and the pier crowded with them; as the sea 
was covered with boats of every size and kind, and the colors 
of the vessels were half-mast high, as on days of mourning. 
The contrast of a bright sun with the gloom on every face 
was striking, and the guns firing at intervals made a solemn 
impression. One of the sights, however, which most struck 
me was a captain in the royal navy, who sat on the pier, and 
could not be persuaded to leave it; he was deeply affected, 
and wept exceedingly. Having been in her service, and em- 
ployed then, and ever since, in dispensing her charities, he 
could not tear himself away; but being refused his earnest 
request of accompanying her remains to Brunswick, he was 
resolved to witness the embarkation. The crimson coffin 
slowly descended from the pier, and the barge that conveyed 
it bore the flag of England, floating over “Caroline of Bruns- 
wick, the murdered Queen of Lingland,” the inscription di- 
rected by herself, and the justice of which was felt by the 
-thousands who had indignantly seen the indecent haste of the 
funeral procession from London, and who felt their share in 
a kind of national remorse, as well as commiseration, for all 
that had passed. 

I rejoined the circuit at York; and having now lost my 
official rank, there was a wish on the part of the circuit, as 
well as of the Midland (Denman’s), to waive their precedence 
and allow us to retain ours. Sergeant Hullock was under- 
stood to have objected, and the plan failed. When Dunning 
in 1769 lost his official rank, and, not having any other, re- 
turned behind the bar, Lord Mansficld announced that he 


326 ACTION FOR A LIBEL [1821. 


should call upon him after those who had precedence; and 
the bar intimated that they had intended to propose the same 
thing had the chief-justice not anticipated them.* Dunning 
had not held his official rank longer than we had ours. The 
injury to my seniors was very great of the rank being refused 
by the Crown, from the personal hatred of the king and the 
timidity of Eldon. Several men were nearly thrown. out of 
practice because, being my seniors, they could not hold junior 
briefs with me. In Denman’s case a remedy was afforded by 
the city of London choosing him their common sergeant. 
Lord Tenterden was not the man to apply a remedy as Mans- 
ficld had done in Dunning’s case, though certainly Dunning 
was as much as possible opposed politically to Mansfield, and 
showed as little deference to him professionally. But Ten- 
terden recollected the preceding year, and well knew the king’s 
personal antipathy both to Denman and myself. This spite 
of the king’s, so well seconded by Eldon’s want of nerve and 
the shabbiness of the other legal authorities, was very dis- 
tressing in its consequences ; and I felt it strongly, though of 
course I had no hand in it; but others, and not myself, were 
really the sufferers. My practice recovered rapidly, and in 
one year I made in a stuff gown above £7000: so that in 
1827, when pressed to take the rank so long withheld, I at 
first declined; but it was urged on account of others, and I 
consented. While my exclusion continued, it was most pain- 
ful to see men whom I had known in good business sitting 
behind empty bags, almost briefless, owing to the accident of 
their being my seniors. It was quite inexcusable in Eldon, 
who knew all these things, to make himself the instrument of 
the king’s caprice and revenge. 

The queen had always been extremely averse to prosecu- 
tions for libel, a subject which she had many occasions to 
consider fully during the proceedings in 1806, the disputes in 
1813 and 1814, and the later trial in the Lords, if trial it 
could be called, which outraged all justice, both in form and 
substance. She was aware that nothing could be less satis- 


PO ee ee eee 


* In 1768 he had been appointed solicitor-general in Lord Shelburne’s 


first administration. He resigned this office on the. change of ministry in 
1769, 


ZaT. 43. ] ON QUEEN CAROLINE. 327 


factory than our law as regarded the offenses of the press ; 
she was satisfied that, according to the proceedings in En- 
gland in cases of libel, a person slandered, besides incurring 
much anxiety and vexation, inevitably gives, if he prosecutes, 
greater publicity and circulation to the slander, and enables 
the defense to add force to the calumnies. All this was likely 
in her case to gratify her enemies, and so prosecuting would 
be playing their game. When, therefore, we were discussing 
before her the question of prosecuting the perjured witnesses 
on the bill, she could with difficulty be brought to consider 
the matter seriously, so strong was her opinion against such 
proceedings; and she was well satisfied to find that technical 
difficulties made it hardly possible to proceed against them. 
There was one case, however, in which these difficulties did 
not exist, and it was on every account absolutely necessary 
to make the exception. A clergyman of the Established 
Church had preached a sermon of the grossest slander,upon 
the queen’s going to St. Paul’s to return thanks for her deliv. 
erance; and I moved foy and obtained, as her attorney-gen- 
eral, a rule for a criminal information.* She was very anx- 
ious to make the affidavit to the falschood of the charges 
usual in all such applications to the court, but, upon prece- 
dents being searched, it was found that a queen-consort makes 
no such affidavit, but has the prerogative of moving by her 
attorney - general, and no affidavit could be received. Her 
death happened before the trial, which took place at Lancas- 
ter, Mr. Justice Holroyd presiding, and I was of course the 
counsel for the prosecution; Blacow defending himself in a 
long and rambling abuse of every body as well as the queen, 
in answer to my speech of less than ten minutes, which was 
as follows: 

“May it please your lordship, gentlemen of the jury,—It is 
my painful duty to bring before you the particulars of this 
case: it is yours to try it; and my part shall be performed in 
a very short time indeed; for I have little, if any thing, more 
to do than merely to read what I will not characterize «by 
words of my own; but I will leave ‘to you, and I may leave 
to every man whose judgment is not perverted and whose 
a 


* See Speeches, i., 289 et seq. 


328 ACTION FOR A LIBEL [1821. 


heart is not corrupt, to affix the proper description to the 
writing, and his fitting character to the author. I will read 
to you what the defendant composed and printed; and I need 
do no more. You have heard from my learned friend—and 
if you still have any doubt, it will soon be removed—to whom 
the following passage applies. Of the late queen it is that 
the passage is written and published. It is in these words: 

“<The term “ cowardly,” which they have now laid to my 
charge, I think you will do me the justice to say, does not 
belong to me; that feeling was never an inmate of my bosom; 
neither when the Jacobins raged around us with all their 
fury, nor in the present days of Radical uproar and delusion. 
The latter, indeed, it must be allowed, have one feature about 
them even more hideous and disgusting than the J acobins 
themselves. They fell down and worshipped the Goddess of 
Reason, 2 most respectable and decent sort of being com- 
pared with that which the Radicals have set up as the idol of 
their worship. 

«¢ They have elevated the Goddess of Lust on the pedestal 
of shame—an object of all others the most congenial to their 
taste, the most deserving of their homage, the most worthy 
of their adoration. After exhibiting her claims to their favor 
in two distinct quarters of the globe; after compassing sea 
and land with her guilty paramour to gratify to the full her 
impure desires, and even polluting the Holy Sepulchre itself 
with her presence, to which she was carried in mock majesty 
astride upon an ass—she returned to this hallowed soil so 
hardened in sin, so bronzed with infamy, so callous to every 
feeling of decency or shame, as to go on Sunday last —here, 
gentlemen, the reverend preacher alluded, not to the public 
procession to St. Paul’s, where her late majesty returned 
thanks for her delivery, or to other processions which might, 
partly at least, be considered as political, but to her humble, 
unaffected, pious devotions in the church of Hammersmith— 
‘to go on Sunday last, clothed in the mantle of adultery, to 
kneel down at the altar of that God who is “ of purer eyes 
than to behold iniquity,” when she ought rather to have stood 
barefooted in the aisle, covered with a shirt as white as “ un- 
sunned snow,” doing penance for her sins. Till this had been 
done, I would never have defiled my hands by placing the 


=e 


mr. 43.] ON QUEEN CAROLINE. 329 


sacred symbols in hers; and this she would have been com- 
pelled to do in those good old days when Church discipline 
was in pristine vigor and activity.’ / 

“Gentlemen, the author of this scandalous, this infamous 
libel, is a minister of the gospel. The libel is a sermon—the 
act of publication was preaching it—the place was his church 
—the day was the Sabbath—the audience was his flock. Far 
be it from me to treat lightly that office of which he wears 
the outward vestments, and which he by his conduct pro- 
fanes. A pious, humble, inoffensive, charitable minister of 
the gospel of peace is truly entitled to the tribute of affection 
and respect which is ever cheerfully bestowed. But I know 
no title to our love or our veneration which is possessed by a 
_ meddling, intriguing, unquiet, turbulent priest, even when he 
chooses to separate his sacred office from his profane acts; 
far less when he mixes up both together—when he refrains 
not from polluting the sanctuary itself with calumny—when 
he not only invades the sacred circle of domestic life with the 
weapons of malicious scandal, but enters the hallowed thresh- 
old of the temple with the torch of slander in his hand, and 
casts it flaming on the altar; poisons with rank calumnies the 
air which he especially is bound to preserve holy and pure— 
making the worship of God the means of injuring his neigh- 
bor, and defiling by his foul slanders the ears, and by his false 
doctrines perverting the minds, and by his wicked example 
tainting the lives, of the flock committed by Christ to his 
care ! 

“Of the defendant’s motives I say nothing. I care not 
what they were, for innocent they-could not be. I care not 
whether he was paying court to some patron, or looking up 
with a general aspect of sycophancy to the bounty of power, 
or whether it was mere mischief and wickedness, or whether 
the outrage proceeds from sordid and malignant feelings 
combined, and was the base offspring of an union not unnat- 
ural, however illegitimate, between interest and spite. But 
be his motives of a darker or lighter shade, innocent they 
could not have been; and unless the passage I have read pro- 
ceeded from innocency, it would be a libel on you to doubt 
that you will find it a libel. 

“Of the illustrious and ill-fated individual who was the 


330 ACTION FOR A LIBEL, ETC. * [1821 


object of this unprovoked attack I forbear to speak. She is 
now removed from such low strife, and there is an end, I can 
not say of her checkered life, for her existence was one Con- 
tinued scene of suffering, of disquiet, of torment, from injus- 
tice, oppression, and animosity — by all who either held or 
looked up to emolument or aggrandizement—all who either 
possessed or coveted them; but the grave has closed over 
her unrelenting persecutions. Unrelenting I may well call 
them, for they have not spared her ashes. The evil passions 
which beset her steps in life have not ceased to pursue her 
memory, with a resentment more relentless, more implacable, 
than death. But it is yours to vindicate the broken laws of 
your country. If your verdict shall have no effect on the 
defendant—if he still go on unrepenting and unabashed—it 
will at least teach others, or +t will warn them and deter them 
from violating the decency of private life, betraying sacred 
public duties, and insulting the majesty of the law.”* 


* The jury found him guilty, without a moment's hesitation. 


AT, 48.] CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION. 331 


CHAPTER XVIIL 


Political Influence of the Proceedings against the Queen.—Catholic Ematiti- 
pation.—Another Contest for Westmorland.—State of Parties, —Ministe- 
rial Difficulties. —Question of the Whigs coming in.—Earl Grey’s Views. 
—The Duke of Sussex.—Prospect of a Canning Administration.—His Po- 
sition with the Prince and Lord Eldon.—Personal Matters.—Reasons for 
demanding a Patent of Precedence.—State of Spain. —Commercial Crisis 
of 1825.—Lord Howick, —J. oseph Hume.—Canning’s Ministry.—Specula- 
tions on a Coalition.—Tender of Office.—Sydney Smith.—Death of Can- 
ning, and Accession of Goderich.—The Wellington Ministry.—Opening 
of University College.—Iveland and the Catholic Question. —Duel between 
Sir Alexander Boswell and Mr. Stewart. 


Tux unworthy conduct of the government of George IV., 
in acting as the ministers of the king’s vengeance against 
Queen Caroline, had not only tended to lower the character 
of public men in the eyes of the country, but had weakened 
the Administration, the leading members of which were 
Jooked upon as men who preferred place to character. The 
bitterness of political animosities was by no means lessened 
by the death of the victim. The hatred of the king, and con- 
tempt for the men who had go disgracefully submitted to be 
his tools, continued as strong as ever. A government go cir- 
cumstanced was powerless to do good, either by originating 
or supporting measures for the common weal, Whatever 
glimpses of prosperity might appear in England, Ireland was 
always in the background to darken the horizon. Catholic 
Emancipation appeared as far off as ever; for although Can- 
ning, opposing the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts, 
still had the Catholic question much at heart, he, as a member 
of the Liverpool Cabinet, either could not or would not move 
in it, and emancipation appeared to be hopeless. 

I had for many years been convineed that the best, if not 
only, hope of having that question carried was the union be- 
tween Canning and the leading Whigs. I was persuaded that 
‘Such an union would do much to disunite and finally to break 


332 POLITICS. [1826. 


up the Tory party. I felt this strongly on public grounds, 
and 1 felt it notwithstanding the many well-founded objec- 
tions I had ever avowed to Canning as a public man. I vain- 
ly attempted to bring Lord Grey to my way of thinking. 
But his aversion on political grounds to Canning was insur- 
mountable. This dislike was, as he himself used to call it, 
“rooted.” In the course of a very long and unusually inti- 
mate friendship, the arguments I used, and the decided part 
I took, to promote a junction with Canning, was the cause of 
the only serious difference I ever had with Grey: if we were 
separated for a time, the coolness did not last; for Grey, with 
his usual fairness and candor, gave me credit for the perfect- 
ly unselfish motives which had actuated me; and not very 
long after the Canning government was formed, we were as 
firm friends as ever. After the queen’s death, from time to 
time there was an expectation that the Government, from in- 
herent weakness and the well-known disagreement between 
Canning and Peel, might any day break up, and many were 
the speculations such hopes gave rise to. Some of these will 
appear in the correspondence which follows. 

In 1825 the Roman Catholic Relief Bill was passed by the 
House of Commons.* 

Parliament was dissolved in 1826, when for the third time 
I stood for Westmorland; and, after a hard-fought contest, 
was again defeated. I have no wish to enter into the local 
politics ‘of that county, but I can not resist quoting an extract 
from a letter of my esteemed friend Bishop Bathurst to Mr. 
Howard, of Corby, by whose kindness I am enabled to give it. 


TO HENRY HOWARD, ESQ., CORBY CASTLE. 
‘¢ Norwich, July 10, 1826. 
“Drar Mr. Howarp, —The very deep interest which I 
have uniformly taken for so many years in that great ques- 
tion, the emancipation of the Catholics, upon which depend, 
in no trifling degree, not only the peace and prosperity of Ire- 


bie Se ote SoS ee ee 


* The second reading on the 21st April by a majority of 27; the third on 
the 10th of May by a majority of 21. Canning spoke at Some Jength on the 
21st April. He was very ill from gout, and took no further part in the de- 
bate, being for many weeks confined to the house. 


ET. 48,] EARL GREY. 333 


land, but also that real cordial good-will between persons of all 
religious denominations in England which ig so much to be 
desired, makes me anxious to know what will be the probable 
result in the new Parliament of the many contested elections 
which have engaged the public attention. This information 
you will probably have itin your power to give me, and I shall 
make no apology for the liberty I take in requesting you to 
do so. 

“Mr. Brougham has struggled nobly for civil and religious 
liberty, and is fully entitled to the celebrated eulogy bestowed 
by Lucan upon Cato— 


*** Victrix causa Diis placuit, sed Victa Catoni,’ 


How others may feel I know not, but for my own part I 
would much rather be in his situation than in that of his two 
victorious opponents ; notwithstanding the cold discouraging 
maxim of Epictetus, which ig calculated to check every virtu- 
ous effort— ¢ 
"Avixnrog elvar dbvacat, ei ele Encéva ayova karaBaivne, dv obs 
eaTly él oor viknoat.™ : 
“He will not, I hope, suffer from his exertions, extraordina- 
ry in every way: I respect exceedingly his fine abilities, and 
the purpose to which h applies them. 
** ** nk cS * XK 
“Remember me kindly to Mrs. Howard and your son, and 
believe me sincerely your affectionate and obliged 
“Henry Norwicu,” 


As Cato owed Lucan’s panegyri¢ to the firmness he had 
shown in adhering to the losing cause, and to his steadfast- 
hess to the principles he had adopted, so I considered the 
bishop’s application of the lines to me as highly compli- 
mentary. 


TO EARL GREY. 

: “February 14, 1822, 
“ Dear Lorp Grey,—I do assure you that nothing could 
exceed the success of last night unless we had actually beaten 


ae 


* You may be invincible if you never go down into the arena when you are 
not secure of victory. —Enchiridion, o. xxv. 





334 POLITICS. [1822. 


\ them.* Never was a better speech, I might even say a finer 
one, than Wilson’s. The judgment of it was perfect ; it could 
not have been materially improved in point of discretion by 
any man in the House or at the bar. But Palmerston’s total 
failure no words can describe. 

“T never had a doubt of Wilson’s case since I sifted it last 
autumn; but one never can tell the accidents that may hap- 
pen, and indeed the lies that may be got up; but to do the 
enemy justice, they did not even attempt an insinuation; so 
that one feels very comfortable, now it has gone so safe 
through the fire. : 

“Pray tell Lord F. this, with my best remembrances, for I 
know how much it will gratify him. 

“Yours ever, HSB: 

“TJ have just heard from undoubted authority that Castle- 
reagh says Wilson made one of the best and most judicious 
speeches he ever heard, and which had produced the greatest 
effect.” 

“Saturday, 1822. 

“My prar Lorp Grey,}—You now have Castlereagh’s 
plan at full length, but I don’t think any report can give you, 
who know him, an idea of the style of his speech: he exceeded 
himself— Quid plura? J positively assure you that he spoke 
of the ‘resurrection of malt” The House laughed at him 
sometimes for five minutes at a time,and he was much an- 
noyed. However, he got’ over it fairly as to matter, and had 
some success at the end. His wretched plan, I find, satisfies 
Gooch, Chaplin, and one or two more; but the bulk of the 
landed interest I do not believe to be so. Wortley, of course, 
is with him. Lethbridge, Woodhouse, and Shelley, I know, 
will vote against him. Althorpe is to give notice on Monday 
for Thursday, and they really must then be brought to a di- 
vision. Peel jibbed last night. He was to answer me, and 
continued in that state almost the whole time I spoke; but 





* On the motion respecting the removal of Sir Robert Wilson from the 
army.—See Hansard, 1822, vol. vi., second series. 

+ This seems to refer to the speech of Lord Londonderry, of 29th April, 
1822, on ‘‘Agricultural Distress, and the Financial and Other Measures for 
its Relief ;” among these was the celebrated ‘‘ sliding scale” of grain duties. 
—See I[TZansard, 150. 





AT. 34, ] CANNING AND THE WHIGS. 395 


then he left it to Huskisson, who answered what I had said 
on Monday last. don’t suppose now there is any one doubts 
the expediency of Monday, except Tierney, who is against re- 
ducing taxes. But I wonder how you who know the House 
could doubt for a moment, for you must be aware that in an- 
swering to a speech opening a plan no man living can give 
another speech opening a different view. He won’t be list- 
ened to for a moment, and must, whether he will or no, as I 
did last night, grapple with the speech immediately preceding. 
“Pray remember me to all at Woburn, 
“ Believe me, etc., H. Brovenam.” 


“Lancaster, August 29, 1822. 

“Dear Lorp Grey,—I Suppose you hear various rumors 
of Canning. Though we are here nearer the spot, we can not 
tell for certain (indeed he can not himself) what he means to 
do. He was at Bolton’s last week, where the leaders on the 
circuit dine on their way here. Ihad not been there for some 
years, Bolton being a violent Lowtherite, and I hating his com- 
pany. But I was asked this year if I should object to meet- 
ing Canning there; and I said, on the contrary, I should be 
very glad to see him again before he went to India. So I 
went, as I used to do formerly. We had a great deal of con- 
versation together on Castlereagh’s death, and he really talked 
very properly with the right degree of feeling, and no sort of 
cant or overdoing. He said that the king certainly discoy- 
ered Castlereach’s madness on the Friday, and said he would 
destroy himself. There was a tone in hia speaking of the 
king that seemed particularly bitter. I should say he plainly 
showed, and meant to show, that he felt the king to be his 
personal enemy. 

“Butif they ask him to stay, I take it for granted he will, 
though it would be a very foolish thing; for they can’t agree 
with him long, and he is likely to be turned out a year hence, 
and not be able to go to India then. Scarlett (who knows 
him much better than I do) had a long talk with him about 
his own plans, and he said he had not had the least communi- 
cation on the subject—this was on the 20th—and that if he 
had, he should only prefer remaining here out of deference to 
his friends, and from public duty. In other words, he ex- 


336 POLITICS. [1822. 


pected a communication, and was resolved to accept it if it 
was at all possible. Since that time he must have heard some- 
thing, for they say that at Liverpool he has been saying, ‘If 
the king sent for him,’ ‘If he went to India,’ ete. ; which looks 
as if Lord L. had written to him, and he only waited for the 
king agreeing to the project. For my part, I can not easily 
believe in the king letting him in; and it is at least clear the 
chancellor must go if he does. To be sure, it would be too 
good to have Peel in the situation, with Bragge and Vansit- 
tart and Goulburn to back him. But next best to that will 
be Canning, with his unpopularity both out of doors and in, 
and all the cabals he will give rise to. If the chancellor, too, 
is to go out, I hardly know whether they won’t lose more 
upon the whole by having him. 

“ Scarlett is strongly impressed, from a conversation he had 
with Lord Lonsdale, with the notion that the ministers can 
not well go on, now that Castlereagh is dead. Lord Lonsdale 
represented Castlereagh as the only one of them who had any 
hold over the king. There may be something in this; but I 
consider the Duke of York to be in reality the link with the 
king. Indeed he is more the king than any thing else, and 
we ought perhaps to let this be talked of as the only way of 
opening the king’s eyes. Believe me ever truly yours, 

“WW. BrouguaM.” 


To this letter I received from Lord Grey the following an- 

swer: 
‘¢ Howick, Aug. 30, 1822. 

“My pear Broucuam,—lI received your letter from Lan- 
caster yesterday. The account you give of Canning confirms 
the opinion I had previously formed at the end of the session, 
that if a new writ was not moved for Liverpool, it seemed 
clear that he wished to remove all the chances of a change in 
his destination; and his language now, added to what must 
obviously be the wish of his friends, convinces me that if a 
fair proposal is made to him, he will not hesitate much in 
abandoning the prospects of a fortune in India for those of 
power at home. Whether he will make a good calculation in 
doing so remains to be seen; but when, in balancing all that 
may be taken into the account on each side, we find on one, 


AT. 44, ] CARNING AND THE WHIGS. 337 


banishment from his country, an abandonment of the stage 
for which his talents are best calculated, Separation from his 
friends and his connections, and the danger to his health at 
his age in a hot climate, I confess I for one shall not be sur- 
prised at such a decision. 

“ Neither do I think his game so bad as you seem to im- 
agine, always supposing his objects to be personal, and not 
public. Hehas undergone a longer exclusion from office than 
he intended ; and if he comes in now, I have no doubt he will 
be careful how he quarrels again with his new colleagues. 
They, on the other hand, however they may dislike his ad- 
mission, when they feel the necessity of his support, will go 
considerable lengths to obtain and to secure it. In this I in- 
clude the chancellor himself, whose resentments are not so 
strong as his love of office; and my speculation, therefore, is 
that he will be brought into an office in the administration, 
and that he will retain it longer than you seem to imagine, 
His greatest danger will be from himself. He has not hitherto 
been able to bear prosperity ; and when the lead of the House 
of Common falls, as it must do (whether given to him osten- 
sibly or not), into his hands, if things go on tolerably well, he 
may perhaps ride his colleagues a little too hard. But I think 
it more probable that the lessons he has received will have 
taught him self-respect and moderation. 

“If this arrangement takes place, my belicf is that the ad- 
ministration will be as secure as it was with Londonderry. 
If, on the contrary, it is to be a pure Court and Tory, with 
Peel the leader in the House of Commons, unless a very great 
improvement takes place in our-affairs, and Peel turns out to 
be a much more efficient man than any thing I have heard of 
him—for I know nothing of him myself—gives me every rea- 
Son to suppose him to be—it seems not impossible that the 
Government may break up from absolute inability to surmount 
the difficulties with which it is surrounded. 

“In any case, Lord Lonsdale’s opinion that it can not go 
on may possibly turn out to be the true one; and however 
improbable such an event may appear, it certainly is possible 
that some negotiation may be opened with the Opposition ; 
and the bare possibility requires that, in prudence, we should 
be prepared for it. With regard to principles and measures, 

Vou. II.—P 


338 POLITICS. [1822. 


there could be no difficulty as far as you and I are concerned; 
our duty is plain and obvious: and with regard to others, I 
should hope not more so, except, perhaps, on the simple ques- 
tion of Parliamentary reform; with respect to which I should 
think it necessary, if the Government was proposed to me, to 
stipulate for some plan on a moderate principle, with a pledge 
’ to resist any thing more. But there is a difficulty behind, or 
rather one which presents itself in the first place; and that is, 
How is a government to be formed in the House of Commons, 
and who is to lead it? This question, I feel, can be answered 
by you alone; on you must depend, in the first degree, the 
efficiency of any administration that can be formed, in what- 
ever situation you might be placed; and it is upon this that I 
hope you will not be unwilling to state to me confidentially 
and explicitly what your views and wishes are, under the as- 
surance that they can not be deposited more safely, or stated 
to any person whose disposition would lead him more cor- 
dially, as far as he had power, to assist and to promote them. 

“ Considering the present state of the country, and our par- 
ticular situation in it, it seems almost absurd to be entering 
into such a discussion at present; and it would really be so to 
form any sanguine expectation that it will be forced upon us 
by such an event as I have supposed just possible; but your 
letter has led me to think a good deal on the subject, which 
Londonderry’s death had necessarily brought under my con- 
templation, and I could not help expressing to you my feelings 
upon it. 

“You, of course, have had accounts of all the gayeties and 
all the absurdities of Edinburgh.* Rosslyn was never asked 
to Dalkeith. What is the cause of the incivility of the king to 
him, of which this is not the first instance? By-the-way, he 
tells me, from the information of a man who was secretary to 
his uncle, and who is now in the Treasury, that the arrange- 
ment talked of in the offices is—Bathurst, Foreign Secretary ; 
Peel, Colonial; Van.,t Home; Huskisson, Chancellor of the 
Exchequer. 

“This would be too good, though they would gain some 
SARL |’ "Sy ee Sa ee 

* In reference to the visit by George IV. to Scotland. 
+ Vansittart. 





aT, 44, ] PROSPECTS OF THE OPPOSITION. 339 


strength in Huskisson; but then the character of the Admin- 
istration, completely anti-Catholic and Duke of York, who 
would then be in reality king, must very’soon produce difii- 
culties, both with respect to public measures and in the cabals 
of the Court, which would make it quite impossible for the 
Administration to go on in that form. 

“His majesty passed us this morning about five o'clock, 
with a fair wind, and, if it continues, will probably reach the 
river to-morrow night; so that we probably shall soon be in pos- 
session of something more certain as to the new arrangements. 

“ZT am sorry I can not give you a good account of Lady 
Grey ; she has not improved as I expected. 

“The Duke of Sussex is now at Lambton, and is to be here 
on the 4th. It is in vain, I am afraid, to ask you to come 
here—I do not mean at that time, though you would be of 
the greatest use to us, but at any time before you return to 
town. If Thanet comes to Appleby, why should you not 
take a trip across the hills together ? 

“ Kver yours, GREY.” 


TO EARL GREY. 
“Brougham, Monday, Sept. 3, 1822. 

“My prar Lorp Grey,—First as to Canning: I am more 
and move confident that they will not have him. I think his 
language at Liverpool, now that we see it in an authentic form 
(evidently written by himself), indicates his soreness and de- 
spair, as well as his readiness to stay if they would allow him. 
But the king, I verily believe, had just as lief see Denman or 
myself near his person. I think I-_know from good authority 
that there was quite a scene between them, and dowd alterca- 
tion. Now royal folks don’t easily forget such things. Then 
the tone of all courtiers is very decisive ; they have a kind of 
instinctive feeling that he can not come in, else they would 
never talk as they do. Auckland (who is here) saw the Low- 
thers the other day. They speak even contemptuously of 
Canning. Holme Sumner said to Duncannon that the minis- 
try were lost if they took him. But his own manner and lan- 
guage are enough. I agree with you that there is a chance 
of his being more tractable if he once got in; but his part 
would be very ticklish. 


340 POLITICS. [1822. 


“Your account of Lord Rosslyn not having been asked to 
Dalkeith surprises me, rather because I saw the contrary in 
all the newspapers than because it is unlikely ; for certainly 
he is far from popular with the court. Ihave all along noted 
this, and ascribed it to their annoyance that a soldier and a 
court-bred man—that is, one connected with old Loughbor- 
ough—should have turned out so very little of a courtier. It 
is just possible that Lady Mary’s connection with the Prin- 
cess of GLostER may have tended the same way.* 

“Now, with regard to the possisLE event (as it certainly 
is) of either now, or some months hence, a negotiation being 
begun, I quite agree that you do most perfectly right to be 
considering it, in order that you may not be taken unprepared. 
Of course you will be on your guard against their accustomed 
trick of insincere overtures, in order to put you in the wrong, 
and have a pretext for telling the Parliament and country 
that the weakness of the Government is not their fault ; and 
will, if it is to go off, take care it shall do so upon clear, high, 
and, above all, intelligible grounds, requiring no refinement, 
and, if possible, not on any point of constitutional etiquette, 
which the people are stupid enough not to apprehend, and, 
I fear, wrong enough not to value if they did. I would fain 
hope with you that we are all pretty well agreed as to essen- 
tials—namely, Catholic question and Irish tithes, and boldly 
putting down that vile Orange junta, who are not formidable 
in reality; maintaining existing treaties, and favoring the 
Bourbons as against republicans and Bonapartists, but lean- 
ing against the Ultras; and though refusing any Greek or 
other crusades, yet strenuously resisting all interference from 
the other side, of the Holy Alliance; and though not taking 
any part in the internal policy of South America, Spain, ete., 
yet losing no time to recognize the new governments, and es- 
tablish commercial intercourse with them. My belief is, that 
the foreign questions would be more troublesome with the 
court, and especially the king, than reform itself; as to which, 
the main thing would be to obtain something as a part of the 
arrangement ; but, if possible, to avoid being pledged to re- 





* Lady Mary Erskine, Lord Rosslyn’s sister, was lady to the Princess 
Sophia of Gloster. 





Ze, 44, ] PROSPECTS OF THE OPPOSITION. 341 


sist all further reform, because that would place us, from al- 
most the first, in the front rank of anti-reformers.. Much 
credit will justly be acquired by some other stipulations, as 
remission of a few bad taxes, repealing some of the silly and 
obnoxious laws against the press, taking the fixed resolution 
of putting down, by nolle prosequi, all prosecutions for libel 
by societies, revising the criminal law and some other parts 
of the law, abolishing flogging, ete. 

“As to the detail, I am very anxious that no discussion 
should, for the present, be had as to casting of parts, because 
I know most positively what mischief it always does. The 
speculations at Holland House (which are mere gossip, after 
all) get out in less than twenty-four hours; and half a dozen 
of our friends are enraged at being left out, and as many 
more at the parts assigned to them. They run about open- 
mouthed, and cry down the whole party, and scout the idea 
of any change; and thus not only are we laughed at, but the 
Court takes courage, and no proposition is made—which makes 
the cabinet-making look still more ridiculous. For this rea- 
son, and still more for others, I really wish Tierney were out 
of town and of the reach of Charles Long at this moment, for 
he will inevitably propagate his standing article of faith— 
that the Opposition have numbers enough, but can’t carry on 
the Government in the House of Commons for want of men 
to take leading stations—as if even our second and third rates 
could not, tr IN OFFICE, sink such as Bragge, Pcel, Van., ete, 
But though these considerations and the recollection of for mer 
occasions ; make me dread any talk of arrangements, it is quite 
fit that you should be aware-of_ how matters would stand. 
Suppose every thing else settled—and I can most confidently 
answer for our being able to do as we please, almost in Op- 
position, but completely if in office—the only puzzle would be 
the choice of a nominal leader; and really I can’t see why 
Tierney might not go on, taking it just as easily as he chose. 
It need not give him a moment’s trouble. He would have in 
office Mackintosh and Calcraft and Newport—all very efficient 
in their several lines. Althorpe, too, would become of very 
considerable use, and John Russell. But the law officers, 
Scarlett and Denman, would be a host. I can not fancy those 
places more effectually filled, and for all purposes of debate ; 


342 POLITICS. [1822. 


for Scarlett in office would be perfectly well listened to, and 
carry great weight. Then, as for myself, the point to which 
you particularly allude, there is certainly some little difficulty ; 
for I could on no account give up my profession. Indeed it 
would not be justifiable; and I feel that there are serious dis- 
advantages in one who must of necessity take a very forward 
and constant part in all debates not being officially connected 
with the Government. But, on the other hand, this arrange- 
ment is not without its advantages, for it gives the best pros- 
pect of keeping our friends of the Mountain in proper rela- 
tions of peace and amity, and it certainly will make my sup- 
port more effectual with the House generally. I think, too, 
that it will smooth one of your roughest places, viz., Lamb- 
ton; for there might be difficulties in at once putting him 
where he ought one day to be, and he would not like any sub- 
ordinate position. But I would fain hope that if he saw me 
mixed up with the whole as a strenuous supporter, and yet 
holding no office, he would take the same line; and I conceive 
that one or two other difficulties of the same kind might in 
like manner be got over. I ought to add, that in case the 
entire omission of Denman at first, as well as myself, in the 
supposed negotiation, might be advisable in order to remove 
difficulties with the king, I can take upon myself to say that 
he would be the first to desire it; but, on all accounts, this 
omission of him should, if possible, be avoided ; and, if nec- 
essary, it should only be for the present. In that I see no 
reason to alter the view I took two years ago in a similar dis- 
cussion. Ever most truly yours, ESD: 

“I wish to God I could come over to you now; but Iam 
detained here both by people in the house and by others 
whom I expect. I hope to get over to Raby to meet the 
duke.” 


The resolution expressed in this letter led to the following 
from Lord Grey : 
. ‘** Howick, September 5, 1822. 
“My prar Brovenam,—lI received your letter yesterday. 
To begin, as you do, with Canning. I agree with you as to 
the character of his speeches. They indicate, I think, no great 
hope; but they show, at least in an equal degree, a strong de- 


ZiT, 44,] PROSPECTS OF THE OPPOSITION. 343 


sire to take every chance of power at home, by the use of ey- 
ery topic best calculated to recommend him to the powerful 
Tories, to the ministers, and to the Court, even to the extent 
of an offer of compromise upon the Catholic question. And 
I still think he will succeed. He says he had not suspended 
his preparations for going to India; but the very post before 
I read this, I received a letter from my brother, to say that he 
had just heard from Captain Westphal that Canning had put 
off embarking till the middle of October. Captain Westphal 
is captain of the Jupiter, the ship that Canning is to go in to 
India; and this information interests me, as I have a son ap- 
pointed a midshipman to that ship. Now as to possibilities ; 
and first as to measures. These, in the first instance, should 
be only generally described. I could have no share in any 
Government that was not founded on a change of system, 
both at home and abroad. 

“Tf we come to details, there are more things to be speci- 
fied than you advert to; but this,if our principle was admit- 
ted, it would not be necessary to do very particularly till a 
government was formed. On two points I do not quite agree 
with you. I should feel it absolutely indispensable to act 
avowedly upon a system of non-interference in the internal af- 
fairs of other countries, and particularly of France; I should 
therefore have nothing to do with the Bourbons, either as to 
Republicans or Ultras. 

“ With respect to Greece, it must be alors comme alors; 
but I should incline very much to favor the revolution, as far 
as it could be done without engaging in a war; and viewing 
the destruction of the Turkish Empire as inevitable within 
no long period, and a thing most desirable in itself, it ought, 
I think, to be the policy of this Government to establish an 
influence in the new order of things which might prevent the 
too great ascendancy of Russia. But these are subjects 
too large to be discussed in the hurry in which I], am. now 
writing. 

“As to constitutional etiquette, I agree with you that all 
points of that kind ought, if possible, to be avoided. But that 
is not always in our power. In Moira’s affair we had a very 
pretty quarrel as it stood, when Erskine, in his desire at that 
time to get in, brought on the negotiation again; and I was 


344 POLITICS. [1922, 


driven either to break off, on the point of the household, or 
on Moira’s being first minister, which would have been worse, 
as it would have appeared quite personal, though I am sure 
you will allow that no man in his senses would have embarked 
in a galere so commanded. 

“ Now as to arrangements. Certainly nothing could be 
more disadvantageous, or even more absurd, than to be dis- 
cussing them at this moment. But that single point, viz., the 
management of the House of Commons, is one which we 
must consider betimes, if we look at any possibility of our be- 
ing called upon to undertake the Administration. 

“After thinking much upon the subject, I am satisfied that 
the lead there must really and effectively, if not nominally, 

be in your hands; and this it can only be by your being a 
member of the Government. I should be the last man to ad- 
vise you to give up the splendid, and, what is more, the cer- 
tain, advantages which you must command 3 in your profession. 
No advantage to a new Government could justify me in urg- 
ing such a sacrifice. But it is not necessary. Lord Mans- 
field, Thurlow, and Wedderburn, were all in succession the 
chief supports of the Administration with which they were 
connected. But in office you must be, or the Government, L 
am persuaded, could not go on. Nobody disapproves more 
than I do—though I am not sure I may not at times have 
fallen into that error myself—the language of those who talk 
of the impossibility of forming an administration in the House 
of Commons. When we consider who have been ministers 
for the last fifteen years, it is really a libel on our party, and 
even on the House of Commons itself. But if you adhere to 
your present decision, it will be language which, though I may 
not hold it, I must acknowledge to be true. I will not say 
beforehand what a sense of duty or the opinion of my friends 
may or may not induce me to undertake; but it would re- 
quire all the power of these, in a degree which I can not be- 
forehand imagine possible, to prevail on me to embark in a 
government with which you were not connected in office. 
This, therefore, I consider as a sine gud non; and your say- 
ing you will take no office is,in my mind, tantamount to say- 
ing no Whig administration can be ered 

cs The Duke of Sussex came yesterday. He was drawn into 


mT. 44.) CANNING. 345 


Alnwick. He seems highly pleased with all the attentions 
he met with at Lambton. He proceeds on Monday towards 
Raby, where I wish I could meet you to’ talk over these mat- 
ters; but this illness, though it no longer confines me to the 
house, prevents my going from home for at least a week. 
“ Ever yours, ' GREY. 

“P.S.—The something I should do on Parliamentary re- 
form would be a good deal; and I think it would be necessary 
to take our stand upon it, at least till it had had a fair trial. 
There are difficulties on all sides; but the only chance you 
could have of carrying any thing would be by some assurance 
that the thing would be kept quiet afterwards.” 


‘* Brougham, 16th September, 1822. 

“ My pear Lorp Grery,—I staid at Raby from Monday to 
Friday. Nothing could be better than it all was. I only 
wish Lord Thanet had been at Appleby, as in that case the 
Duke of Sussex would have gone there, and returned to town 
by Liverpool and Cheshire, where Lord Grosvenor had ex- 
pected him. The effect of a prince herding with Whigs and 
speaking their language, is far greater among persons of all 
classes, and even’among Tories (in the country, I mean), than 
one can suppose who merely observes what passes in town. 
In town and Parliament they do us, perhaps, as much harm 
as good; but in the country it is very much the reverse. He 
was very good-humored and agreeable, as he always is when 
you put him on the right subjects—namely, anecdotes. I 
kept him as much as possible on old court stories, English 
and German, and he went on with the history of them all re- 
ally in a very entertaining way. By-the-way, he seemed to 
dread the Duke of York and his old Tory party a great deal 
more than any thing else at this juncture, and considered 
the being obliged to take Canning in as a material defeat to 
- that set. 

“Before this can reach you (which I reckon will be Wednes- 
day), you must have heard with certainty as to Canning, 
Indeed, already it seems all but settled ; so far your original 
prediction is verified. Possibly, too, you may prove right in 
your expectation that the chancellor and he will go on, from 

Pe 


346 POLITICS. [1822. 


his (Canning’s) fear of being again turned adrift, and no In- 
dia to retreat upon. Yet still I see so many great difficulties 
in the way, that until the new concern is fairly under way I 
can’t quite believe in it. I well know the infinite subtleties 
and wiles of that old serpent the chancellor, and that, next to 
going out, Canning is the thing he most hates. Nor will any 
thing make him submit but necessity. Up to the last mo- 
ment there is a chance of its all going off. If Canning does 
come in, and upon any thing like his own terms, I shall draw 
- one only conclusion—that they were desperate, and that Peel 
and Co. had positively refused to undertake the management 
upon any terms. But where I differ most with you is on the 
prospect before them with Canning. I can not imagine them 
going on smoothly together; the king hating him—the chan- 
cellor hating him more deeply and steadily—almost all his 
other colleagues distrusting him, and he himself disliking 
them; and then the bitter contentions of the various sets of 
underlings (not to mention some questions, for on principles 
they can more easily compromise). When the first start in 
the House of Commons is over, and it is found how indiffer- 
ent a leader he makes, intrigue will be at work, and they who 
lost heart now will repent of their pusillanimity ; and he will 
sooner or later be flung overboard, if he is not killed by his 
irritable habit, his Government, and the ‘wear and tear’ of 
the. House, as now conducted. 

“JT have learned one or two things illustrative of the treat- 
ment he has to expect. Up to this day week he had received 
no communication, and was extremely indignant at this treat- 
ment. You may rely on this, as it came direct from Lord 
George Bentinck (his Military Secretary for India), who was 
with him at the time. Then Wellington (who I believe is 
still far from well; he was in great danger one day, and as 
late as Thursday evening must have had a relapse, for he was 
then cupped) negotiated the thing with the king, and took 
the opportunity, it is said, of plucking the best plum out of 
the pudding, by getting Vienna for H. Wellesley. It is be- 
lieved that Canning will, if he comes in, be for sending Gran- 
ville Leveson to Paris, as he is so much ruined that he must 
go abroad somewhere. Now this will probably give rise to 
Canning’s first squabble. 


zr. 44,] CANNING. 347 


“Then I am told Binning* is to be his Under-Secretary. 
If so, either Wilmot or Dawson must go out, for they can’t 
all three be in Parliament. As for Indig, it is positively be- 
lieved that the speaker has thoughts of it (so we shall have 
Squeak); but this seems very strange.t 

“The way in which the chancellor puts his case is, that the 
king entreated him to remain in with Canning for one year, 
and he complied. Nothing in all this strikes one more than 
the inveteracy of the king against the Whigs. You see there 
is nothing he will not rather do than think of a change—even 
Canning, whom he detests, and the Duke of York, of whom 
he is jealous. But fear is the ruling principle of his whole 
conduct, as it always has been; for as to any personal feelings, 
he can have none stronger than those towards Canning. 

“ Yours ever truly, H. Brovauam.” 


‘* Brougham, September 19, 1822. 

“My pear Lorp Grey,—I was speculating in my letter to 
you yesterday, if I recollect right, upon the Duke of York dis- 
liking the new arrangement, and this being one additional 
cause of its weakness. To-day I have a letter from Creevey, 
who quotes Bennet as positively stating that he knows the 
Duke of York has been speaking of the king’s weakness in 
letting Canning be forced on him, and saying he had better 
have sent for the Whigs at once, for the step would prove the 
dissolution of the ministry. From his intercourse with the 
Yorkshire Tories, Wortley, Copley,{ etc., Creevey believes the 
Duke of York to have said so; and he describes them as all 
in the same story about Canning’s folly in coming in alone, 
for to my utter astonishment I now find he does so. I at 
least had expected that he would have had the sense to make 
some sort of terms for himself. But it would appear that he 
jumps at any means of escaping banishment to India. 





* Son of Charles, eighth Earl of Haddington. In 1827 created a peer of 
the United Kingdom by the title of Baron Melros; Lord-lieutenant of Ire- 
land 1833; died 1858 s. p., when the English barony became extinct. 

+ Charles Wynne, M.P. for the county of Montgomery. He was the 
brother of Sir Watkyn Williams Wynn. From a peculiarity in the utterance 
of Sir Watkyn, and the shrillness of his brother’s voice, they had a joint nick- 
name as ‘‘ Bubble and Squeak.” 

t Sir Joseph Copley, Bart., of Spotborough, county of York. 


348 POSITION WITH THE BAR. [1823. 


“This is all the news I have, and I fear it may not reach 
you till it is old, as there seems considerable delay in the com- 
munication between the two, from motives without the slight- 
est tincture possible of interest, for within six weeks I have 
refused the most easy and secure income for life of £7000 or 

* £8000 a year and high rank, which I could not take without 
leaving my friends in the House of Commons exposed to the 
leaders of different parties. 

“ Yours ever, H. Brovenam.” 


‘* Brougham, January 10, 1823. 
“My prEar Lorp Grey,—lI feel with you that there is still 
a considerable difficulty in keeping the peace at Paris with 
Spain; but the Ultras, how crazy soever, dare not go to war 
when it comes to the point. Talleyrand has always dis- 
believed it. So has Baring, who, however, ascribes more, far 
more, to Wellington than he deserves. My apprehension 
Prather is that the Spaniards may do something aggressive, and 
that would be frightful, for it might unite the French on na- 
tional grounds, and then an attack on Spain, disunited, would 
be a very fearful risk. We shallhave meetings in these coun- 
ties at the Easter season, to which the Yorkshire meeting 
will certainly be put off. A general expression of opinion dur- 
ing the recess, after a judicious opening, might do real good. 
“ Montholon has written an excellent letter to O’Meara, 
saying he had done all he could to prevent the Bertrands 
from getting into this sad scrape, so ruinous to their charac- 
ter, but in vain; and adding, that Bertrand is to have a place 
through the interest of Fitzjémes. 
“ Yours ever, H. Broveuam.” 


Before the spring circuit we had reason to believe that 
Jonathan Rgine might leave it; and if this happened, we 
should have been reduced to one silk gown (Scarlett). The 
injury to many who were my seniors in standing, as Pollock 
and others, was now becoming so serious, that I was pressed 
to lay the matter before Eldon, and to urge him to remedy 
the grievance. I did this very reluctantly, but the evil was 
undeniable, and the pressure upon me was too great to be re- 
sisted. Accordingly I wrote to the chancellor as follows: 


ZT, 45. ] POSITION WITH THE BAR. 349 


, ** Lincoln’s Inn, February 25, 1823. 

“My Lorp,—I take the liberty of calling your lordship’s 
attention to the application which I fornrerly made for a pat- 
ent of precedence ; and I trust that your lordship will pardon 
me if I add a statement of the reasons which induce me, 
upon the promotion of Mr. Sergeant Hullock, to pursue this 
course. 

“If my own convenience alone were in question, I should 
not now trouble your lordship; but I am induced to renew 
the application in consequence of the injurious effects occa- 
sioned to others by my want of standing, especially on the 
northern circuit, the inconvenience to which clients are fre- 
quently subjected, and, I may add, recommendations proceed- 
ing from a high judicial quarter, where those inconveniences 
are known. 

“May I be permitted further to say, that political differ- 
ences would of course preclude the possibility of my making 
any application for rank, if I could regard the distribution of 
it as a matter of official patronage. Those differences can in 
no degree lessen the profound respect with which I have the 
honor to be your lordship’s most obedient and humble serv- 
ant, If. Broveuam.” 


To this application no answer was returned, and, of course, 
no compliance with my demand; for I considered it rather in 
the light of a just demand for the sake of others than a favor 
personal to myself. I then, as usual, joined the spring circuit 
at York. What we had anticipated in February, before I 
left London, having happened, Iwrote the following letter to 
Lord Grey: 

‘* Newcastle, March 11, 1823. 

“My pear Lorp Grey,—Jonathan Raine is made a Welsh 
judge, and has signified (as of course) that he has left the 
northern circuit, so that here we are to go round on this large 
and important circuit with one single silk gown—for the first 
time that it has ever been with less than three. All the north- 
ern counties have a right to complain of this, for it makes it 
absolutely impossible for more than one side of each cause to 
have justice done it. Whoever retains Scarlett has a leader 
and a special pleader ; at least his choice of the special plead- 


350 POSITION WITH THE BAR. [1828. 


ers. Whoever does not, must take a leader, and has only half 
a choice of pleaders. It is in vain to say there is Cross, a 
sergeant, for they will not take him, as has been shown in 
these two counties, when he came with Williams and me, and 
never had a brief. Now the chancellor is in a scrape if he 
persists in showing his spite; and I strongly urge you to ask 
him privately in the House of Lords on Thursday evening 
whether he really means to let us go to York and Lancaster 
without any rank, except Scarlett. He must not now pretend 
that there are personal difficulties. If he does, I have the 
king’s own authority for denying it positively, and you may 
tell him so. 

“ Bayley has so strong an opinion of it that he has offered 
to call Williams and myself within the bar at Lancaster; but 
we are resolved to refuse it. I have done quite enough in 
writing to the chancellor. Pray, if you can, learn his inten- 
tion; you have a full right as a north-countryman, 

“ Yours ever, Hoc 


*¢ York, March 25, 1823. 

“Drar Lorp Grey,—In case you may wish to know the 
result of the chancellor’s low trick to force me out of the 
lead, relying on the Now obsolete prejudice in favor of silk 
gowns, I have to tell you the exact result of it. I have been 
in every thing, and led equal with Scarlett, or thereabouts—a 
little under or over. Williams (especially high in Eldon’s 
hatred, as in his own merits) comes clearly and plainly next, 
though certainly at somie distance. Cross has again failed 
completely, and in a decisive manner. Littledale (the great- 
est shame of the whole) on the shelf. One Hardy (a Tory, 
favorite of Eldon and protégé of Bragge), who had good bus- 
iness, has not a brief. Others above me affected in propor- 
tion. Tindal not much affected either way. Parke (Tory) 
by no means benefited; but Alderson (Whig, and great friend 
of mine) has had his fortune made, being in almost every 
thing with me. This is really a strong case of retributive 
justice. The charm about silk gowns is at an end, and I am 
clear that this branch of patronage has been sacrificed to a 
‘vile personal spite. 

“Yours ever truly, TH. Brovenam.” 


ZT. 45.] POSITION WITH THE BAR. 301 


The following shows the conclusion of this farce, and of 

Eldon’s spiteful conduct : 
‘* Yfancaster, April, 1823. 

“Dear Lorp Grey,—You will be surprised to hear that, 
after what passed yesterday, we have, after all, finally refused 
being called. But the judges chose to do a foolish thing, 
which left us no choice. They sent to every man who is sen- 
ior to us, and offered it to them all—about a dozen and a half 
—not one of whom ever has a brief, at least hardly any of 
them, and none of them with the slightest pretensions. Two 
accepted, the rest laughed. We immediately sent a respect- 
ful refusal, stating why. On which, of course, the two, who 
had accepted only on the ground of not being passed by, re- 
fuse also—at least so IT hear. It is now far better as it is, 
and the whole circuit approve—the hit at the chancellor being 
the very same. Ever truly yours, H. B. 

“ Pray tell Sefton this—I have not time.” 


‘* Hanover Square, June 12, 1823. 

“My pear Brovenam,—I received your letter yesterday 
morning, just as I was leaving Stoke to return to town. It 
is difficult, not to say almost impossible, for me to refuse any 
thing which you press so strongly as my attendance at the 
Spanish meeting. My first inclination was at once to aban- 
don all the objections I had to it, and to submit my own 
opinion to yours; but after much reflection I really can not 
agree to assist in this measure, though to the object which it 
has in view I am not less friendly than any of its most eager 
supporters. 

“J say nothing of the meeting having been resolved upon 
without any general communication with the chief members 
of Opposition, and against the opinion of many of them. 

“This I should not mind if I had not more serious objec- 
tions. In the first place, I feel considerable doubt as to the 
measure in point of principle. In the second, I can not con- 
ceive that any real advantage would attend it in aiding the 
resistance of Spain, more especially under the present aspect 
of affairs in that country; and unless I could hold out such a 
hope, I do not feel that I could be justified in taking any act- 
ive part in recommending it to a public meeting. 


352 CORRESPONDENCE. [1824. 


“ Under these circumstances, and with these feelings, I trust 
you will not think me quite inexcusable, more especially when 
it is considered that any advantage which could result from 
my presence at the meeting could be very little, while so many 
of the most active and powerful members of the Opposition 
decline attending it. Ever yours, GREY.” 


TO EARL GREY. 
“¢ January 26, 1824. 

“My pear Lorp Grey,-—I wish very much to hear from 
you upon the present state of affairs, especially the line to be 
taken on Spain and South America at the meeting. 

“T did not trouble you during the last fortnight, when we 
were all at sixes and sevens about the old question of amend- 
ment or no amendment (for, strange as it may seem to you, 
there were some who thought we should have one). But 
now all difficulties of that kind seem to be removed, and we 
shall only have a discussion. Now, how does it strike you? 
If we could all actually secede and leave the Government to 
fall out, no doubt that would be inevitable; but this is impos- 
sible. If we could virtually secede, by leaving them to them- 
selves nine nights in ten, it would be next thing to it, and cer- 
tainly I should for one be most happy. But this is almost as © 
impossible, and I doubt if it is justifiable. 

“The only practical question, then, is as to the ground we 
should take. To represent all the consequences of the state 
of things which the ministers have made for us in Europe; 
to show the gross inconsistency of those who would do noth- 
ing to keep Spain from falling into the hands of France tak- 
ing any steps whatever, much more threatening war, to keep 
the Spanish colonies from falling only into the hands of the 
mother country through the assistance of her allies; and then 
to express our thankfulness to North America for having 
helped us out of so great a scrape, and our humiliation at be- 
ing obliged to follow in the wake of the Yankees—seems, on 
the whole, our best line. But we shall all be most anxious 
to know what strikes you upon the subject. Our ministers 
will probably take a very moderate tone, except as to pros- 
perity at home. You know when stocks are above 90, and 
corn bears a fair price, reasoning to the country, at least to 


ABT. 46. ] HARL GREY. « 353 


the land and trade, is labor lost. But surely we ought to 
keep alive the spirit of hatred towards the Holy Allies, and of 
fr iendship towards the free states formed in North, and form- 
ing in South America. And though nothing can equal the 
gross inconsistency and brutal tr ading spirit of a policy which 
should now make war for the colonies after doing nothing for 
the mother country, we have no such inconsistency imputable 
to us, and our views are not mercantile. 
“ Yours ever, ° H. Broveuam,” 


‘* February 8, 1824. 

“My pear Lorp Grey,—I am sorry I was prevented so 
many days from writing after receiving yours, but I have been 
extremely busy. We had a dinner and meeting at the Clar- 
endon the day before. I never saw any thing like the flatness 
of people; but they were not wrongheaded at all,and quite 
steady, of course. But Western was finally resolved to move 
an amendment, and behaved, as he always does, with perfect 
propriety and fairness. After long conversation with him, 
both the night before and on Monday, he said he really felt it 
a matter of conscience, and could not waive it; but he would 
take care to say it was only his own, and committed no one 
but himself, and that he should not divide. He rose after the 
seconder, and I got up too; so he gave way: and as I had 
begged him to wait to see whether my protest in a speech 
was not as strong as one in the shape of an amendment, he 
reconsidered the matter and said nothing. As for the debate, 
I think Canning and I tried which could. speak worst, and that 
I beat him by a trifle; but their side was so infinitely flat, 
and even dead, that it haa the appearance of his having made 
the worse fierate of the two.* Accordingly people are crying 
out in all quarters on this. It was really singular to see one 
in his situation never get even a cheer, except ene or two from 
us. Our people, though not very numerous, had lost their 





* Debate on the Speech from the Throne at the opening of the session, 3d 
February, 1824, chiefly on the occupation of Spain by French troops. Mr. 
Western, as reported on the 4th, said ‘‘it was his intention last evening to 
have moved an amendment to the address, had not his honorable and learned 
friend, Mr. Brougham, anticipated what he had to say, in the able and elo- 
quent ‘speech which he had made on the occasion.” —Hansard, 94. 


354 CORRESPONDENCE. (1st. 


* 


flatness, and roared lustily against the Government and Holy 
Allies. I entirely agreed with you as to the doubtful doc- 
trines of the President’s Message. Indeed, Mackintosh and | 
had resolved to say something in the way of protest before 
your letter came. I thought, when the moment arrived, that 
it would be as well to put it off in order to make our Goyern- 
ment the more ashamed of their conduct, by giving no cn- 
couragement to those who are always abusing America. 

“What is doing at Madrid about South America I can’t 
guess; but some think there is a treaty on foot for surren- 
dering on being paid so much money, and that this is agree- 
able to France, as likely to get her paid. 

“JT hope you observed Canning’s praise of the French ar- 
mies, and his ‘no’ (on the ground of humanity) to the men- 
tion of withdrawing them. 

“Yours ever,* H. Brovenam.” 


‘¢ November 16, 1824. 

“My pear Lorp Grey,—I received your letter on Satur- 
day, and agree entirely as to all you say of Canning and Wel- 
lesley regarding the Catholic question. They never will or 
can do any thing but by accident or compulsion, as long as 
they act on the principle (if one may so call the most un- 
principled ground ever avowedly taken) that they are to make 
any sacrifice or run any risk for the question. Indeed, Can- 
ning very coolly says he is convinced a government entirely 
friendly to it is the least likely to carry it! But what I meant 
by ‘speculations’ about the two, was as to Canning’s sup- 
posed object in going to Dublin—which I suspect was Cab- 
inet arrangements. There is a talk of Wellesley coming over 
here, and Lord Bristol succeeding him. But this I can hard- 
ly believe. Stuart is come home; he arrived on Saturday 
evening, but I have not seen him. Canning has used him 
very ill, and both he and her family are loud against him. 
Lady Holland is better, but there have been unpleasant symp- 
toms, pains, etc.,in the limbs, which, with her habit and hadb- 
its, naturally make one think of dropsy. However, she is ten 





* ‘Tf he were asked, Ought the French army to evacuate Spain to-mor- 
row? as a friend to humanity, he must say, No.”—Hansard, 93. 


1.47] : EARL GREY. 355 


years too young for that. He is extremely well; Mary by no 
means so. Did I tell you of Canning haying given warning 
to a friend of his that he might be prepared for an election in 
February or March, meaning that they were to pass a few 
necessary bills, and have a summer session? It seems quite 
absurd; and even if Canning has any such plan, his colleagues 
certainly won’t allow it. 

“I saw Lord Darlington on my way to town, and I think 
he certainly has Howick in his eye; but not having got your 
letter, I could not go into the subject: only he is quite aware 
of Northumberland noé being at all certain ; and it was from 
his way of mentioning that, that I chiefly inferred as above, 
coupled with what he had said formerly. 

“Remember me to Lady Grey, and believe me ever yours, 

2 : (73 H. Bre 


In the early part of the session we resolved to keep up a 
great fight against the Government, even from the day Par- 
liament met (3d February), and began by a good debate on 
the address, although it was not considered advisable to move 
an amendment in either House. But on the 10th, when Goul- 
burn brought in a bill to amend the Unlawful Societies Acts 
in Ireland, the battle of the session really began. We debated 
this for four nights, and seldom has there been seen in the 
House of Commons a debate so remarkable for speeches: of 
the first order. On the fourth night (Tuesday, 15th of Feb- 
ruary) I followed Canning, and closed the debate. My speech 
was considered very successful;—and certainly, considering 
that during the whole continuance of this long debate I had 
been very hard worked—every day in court, and most part 
of every night in chambers—I had every reason to be satis- 
fied with my speech. About four in the morning we divided, 
and were beaten by nearly two to one. 

Next day I wrote to Lord Grey as follows: 


** London, February 16, 1825. 
“My pear Lorp-Grey,—The papers will have told you 
more fully than I could our late movements, which I hope 
and trust have been such as to meet with your approbation ; 
though, being so far off, you may sometimes have doubted, 


356 CORRESPONDENCE. [18265. 


I assure you the plan of at once giving battle (the first night), 
and then fighting every inch of ground upon the measure, has 
been successful in producing great effect in-doors, much sat- 
isfaction to the Irish, and putting down the No-Popery cry. 
Also, incidents of some importance are, that Canning and 
Peel have been greatly damaged and our friends encouraged. 
But now comes the tug, and really your presence can no 
longer be dispensed with. I had resolved not to trouble you 
until I could avoid it no longer. I have consulted Lord Hol- 
land, Lord Lansdowne, etc., etc., and all agree with me. Had 
you been here this week, a meeting of both houses at Devon- 
shire House would have been most desirable, and will be when 
you come. The bill is out of our House on Friday, so you 
can not delay longer. 

“T go the circuit Saturday week, and this is an additional 
reason for wishing you were here, but it is only one of many. 

* Yours ever, H. Brovenam.” 


‘‘August 12, 1825. 
“My pear Lorp Grey,—Shall I put your name down for 
a London University share—to give you a vote? (Proxies 
vote.) Lord Fitzwilliam takes five. Eleven hundred are al- 
ready disposed of, so we are landed, and our advertisement 
for sites is in to-day’s papers. 
“ Direct tome, Lancaster. Yours ever, 
“H. BrouGHam. 
“Did you hear rumors of overtures between Canning and 
Lord Lansdowne? In town some men were full ofit. I dare 
say you feel as I do on this—viz., desirous to stand aloof if 
one’s presence were any impediment to what must end in a 
better system; but the Catholic question is the first obstacle 
to any thing; and I doubt, or rather disbelieve, the whole 
matter.” “ 
FROM EARL GREY. 
“Government House, August 12, 1825. 
“My pear Brovenam,—I received your letter this morn- 
ing, and am willing to take one share, to show my good-will 
to the new university.* I can not afford more. I leave it to 








* The London University. 


HT. 48.] EARL GREY. 357 


you to negotiate for this share, either in my name or How- 
ick’s, as you may think best. He would be more active and 
useful as a supporter of the institution than I can be. 

“T do not see how an overture could come from Canning 
to Lansdowne except with a prospect of breaking up the Ad- 
ministration and forming a new one,in which the Catholic 
interest would predominate. I can conceive few events more 
improbable than this, and therefore I agree with you in dis- 
believing the whole matter. Should there be any thing more 
in it, I also agree with you in standing out of the way of any 
arrangement which might favor a better system. But I am 
out of the way in all events and in all cases. 

“J hear reports again of a dissolution, but in this country 
of boroughs I hear no reports of any preparations which in- 
dicate such an expectation on the part of the friends of Gov- 
ernment. Whenever a dissolution takes place there will be a 
contest for Cornwall, in which Mr. Pendarvis is believed to be 
sure of success. He is a staunch Whig; but Tremayne will 
probably go to the wall. I have been told, but I do not know 
that my authority is very good, that if there is an opposition 
in Devonshire it will go hard with Acland. 

“Of my own interest in this event I know nothing more. 
Howick was at the Assizes, and on the grand jury, and intro- 
duced to a good many of the gentlemen. I think he would 
be nearly certain if there was a little more decision and en- 
ergy in our friends. The great danger is from Howick’s tak- 
ing it into his head suddenly to declare himself, and throwing 
every thing into confusion. This might be obviated by an 
immediate declaration of Howick’s; but this would entail on 
us all the expense and'trouble of an immediate and protracted 
canvass. I have no other prospect for him. 

“ Lady Grey much the same, but better. Iam myself quite 
well, and all the rest of my family. 

“ Ever yours, GREY. 

“Lansdowne is expected at Saltram (Lord Henley’s), and 
also Huskisson and Robinson; but whether at the same time, 
I know not.” 


308 CORRESPONDENCE. [1826. 


TO EARL GREY. 
‘¢ December 18, 1825. 

“My prar Lorp Grey,—The newspapers have, I assure 
you, not at all exaggerated the state of things here (in the 
City, I mean) last week, especially Tuesday. There was a 
moment when all the banks might have gone. The panic is 
over, but the mischief has been done; and certainly there will 
be failures among merchants now. Besides, the country banks 
are spreading embarrassments everywhere, and the Bank of 
England has been much drained. I should, therefore, not be 
at all surprised any day to see a suspension. . It certainly has 
been discussed, and decided against, but they may be forced 
to it. I mean the Government when I say forced, for the 
Bank want to have it; and the country gentlemen and farm- 
ers, connecting it with high prices, etc., will be very ready to 
urge it. I believe you may rely on this, that the Government 
are in a greater stew than they ever were in; and I don’t at 
all discredit the reports (which it is the fashion to laugh at) 
of the Cabinet sitting on Friday till twelve at night, of Par- 
liament being called together, and the Guards being in readi- 
ness. Indeed, this last is certain; and it seems equally so 
that the ministers will take no responsibility, but, as usual, 
throw all on a committee and a vote of the House; that is, 7f 
things go on so as to make them suspend. If they do not, 
then this crisis will be soon over, though with great loss to 
individuals and much local distress. 

“ Wentworth’s bank can’t go on. They had every thing 
examined; and though Lord Fitzwilliam and Milton (for 
Chaloner) would have raised £200,000, it was found impossi- 
ble even with that. Then a middle course (to try a letter of 
license) was thought of, and is now abandoned. So to-mor- 
row they will have a docket struck. Nothing can exceed the 
conduct of Lord Fitzwilliam and Milton on this trying occa- 
sion. It was hardly credible, even to those who knew them. 
Chaloner’s disinterestedness and honor are hardly less to be 
admired. If I hear any thing before the post to-morrow, I 
will add a postscript. 

“ Yours ever, H, Brovcuam.” 


AT. 48.] EARL GREY. 359 


** Hill Street, December 19, 1825. 
“My pear Lorp Grey,—You can hgve no idea of the 
gloom in the City on Friday and Saturday ; and from what I 
heard yesterday, this week is expected to be worse. The 
alarm is begun among the country banks, and many of them 
must go. This of Wentworth is really a most afflicting thing, 
as it will make some of the best people in the world extreme- 
ly unhappy—I mean the Chaloners, and all that connection. 
But the exchanges are improved, and gold is cheap, so that 
the Bank mast issue; and I suppose, after a little while, 
things will get right, with a good deal of individual and local 
distress. I hope there is still some chance of the Catholics 
not pressing the question this session. Burdett has advised 
them, and is advising strongly, not to do it. Most of our: 
friends in the House of Commons are clear for this course, 
with one or two important exceptions—as Althorpe, Tierney. 

“ Yours ever, H. Brovaguam.” 


FROM LORD GREY. 


‘* Government House, December 21, 1825. 

“My pear Brovenam,—I have to thank you for two let- 
ters, the last received this morning. I have been less sur- 
prised than others—perhaps less than I ought to have been— 
by all this confusion and distress in our money concerns. EL 
lice has always told me that it must happen sooner or later, 
and supported his opinion by reasons which appeared to me 
so good that they convinced me.* I can have no doubt that 
the original cause of all has been an over-issue of paper, 
caused in part by the Bank, but much more by the bill con- 
tinuing to the country banks the power of issuing £1 and £2 
notes. It remains to be seen whether ministers will have 
nerves to face the crisis that must be produced, by establish- 
ing our circulation on a real basis of cash payments, at which, 
notwithstanding all our boasts, we never yet have arrived; or 
whether they will tide on by expedients, which must end in 
another Bank Restriction Act. The latter, for innumerable 
reasons, seems the most probable; and the issue of £1 and £2 
notes by the Bank seems a pretty direct step towards it. 

* Edward Ellice, Secretary to the Treasury in Lord Grey’s Ministry. 


360 POLITICAL CORRESPONDENCE. [1826. 


“The death of Alexander seems likely to increase the 
alarm. Was it according to the ‘maniére @ vous ’ of Orloff? 
Who is to be his successor? Whether Constantine or Nich- 
olas, is it likely that he will risk popularity with the army by 
not attacking Turkey? In that case, shall we have another 
Oczakoff armament? Will the present difficulties make min- 
isters pacific, or will they see in a war a relief for their im- 
mediate embarrassment, by its furnishing a pretense for shut- 
ting UpAy ee 

“Ag to what you say about Ireland, I can only repeat my 
former opinion, that it is best for us not to advise atall. But 
if L were bound to give an opinion, it would be with Tier- 
ney and Althorpe. It may be very convenient to ws to have 
no Catholic question, but is it equally good for the Irish? 
Have they ever got any thing except what has been extorted 
- +n the hour of distress? Is it not, then, ¢hei7 interest to keep 
alive and inflame a spirit of discontent for that season? If 
they are quiet, will their adversaries be so? The contrary is 
pretty evident from what is now going on with a view to the 
approaching elections, unless these distresses produce a change 
of conduct. Whether the Catholic Association is acting in 
the best way for their own purposes, is another question ; but 
+f T were an Irish Catholic, I should consider myself as in a 
state of war with the English Government, and think only of 
the means of reducing to submission an enemy whom I could 
never hope to gain by conciliation. But this is advice I 
should be very sorry to give to the Irish Catholics; and as I 
could honestly give no other with a view to their interests, I 
should certainly remain silent. * 

“ ver yours, GREY.” 


TO EARL GREY. 
“York, July 20, 1826. 

“ My pear Lorp Grey,—lI think it will be satisfactory to 
you to learn the very favorable report which the lawyers 
(though Tory) make of Howick. , It fully confirms all I had 
before heard from other quarters; but ow people of the bar 
are generally very difficult to please. As for Lambton’s af- 


pee el Bara ee ik ee ee ee 


* Tegible. 





AT, 48. ] EARL GREY. 361 


fair, there can be but one opinion; therefore it is needless to 
say they agree on that head with every oné else. 
“ Yours ever, H. Brovenam. 

“What will you bet that I don’t name the two members 
for Northumberland next general election? As for Howick, 
I hope and trust that without a certainty he never will think 
of it again. TI really can not regret what has happened, from 
the great start it has given him; but another time, without 
perfect security, would be out of the question.” 


“* Hill Street, December 9, 1826. 

“My puar Lorp Grey,—I have been very unlucky in 
never seeing Howick. He has been out of town (at Ellice’s) 
till yesterday ; and this morning, when I called on my way to 
Westminster, he had not come down. I hope, however, to 
see him before he leaves town. He is so amiable and modest 
that I feel certain he requires urging to come forward. As 
it happens, there has been nothing like an opportunity since 
Parliament met. Indeed, I have only been three times in the 
House myself since the first night. Committees there will be 
—but are not yet, except the bubble one—on which I could 
easily have put him; but I purposely avoided it, as being of 
a personal nature, and because one did not exactly know what 
Waithman might do in it. I am going to make Littleton 
put him down as one of the seventy who are to be on private 
bills; and the Corn question can not go on without a com- ° 
mittee. Hume is certainly damaged more than I expected, 
but I still think he will weather it. If he had common sense, 
I could insure him doing so; but he provokes right-thinking 
people by taking up every subject, and spoiling half those he 
touches. His uses are, however, great; and whenever it is 
possible to defend him I shall continue to do so, in spite of 
himself. Canning will be well by Tuesday. I feel all you’ 
say on Portugal very strongly, and can not help bein g alarmed 
that the peace is in danger owing to our credulity and feeble- 
ness. Villéle is well disposed, but has no real power; and 
the Ultras and Jesuits do as they please. 

“J believe the Duke of York going to Belvoir is a pure 
romance, and do not expect him ever to walk out of his 
house. Yours ever, H. Brovenam.” 

Vor. IL—Q 


362 STATE OF PARTIES. [1826. 


Tt had for some time appeared manifest that there was a 
division in the Tory ministry—one part, with Canning, lean- 
ing to Liberal policy, both foreign and domestic ; while the 
other, with Eldon, adhered to the old high Tory feelings and 
opinions. This division had nothing to do with the Catholic 
question ; for Castlereagh, who was opposed to the Canning 
set, had always been a steady friend of emancipation, although 
he had joined the ministry of Sidmouth. 

Canning was appointed governor-general, and was about to 
proceed to India when Castlereagh’s melancholy and most un- 
expected death prevented it; and the Duke of Wellington 
overcame the king’s aversion to him, saying he knew it would 
be disagreeable for him to take Canning into the Government, 
but he could not like him less than he did, and there was no 
help for it. The same kind of argument had been used to 
Lord Wellesley, but without success, ten years before, when 
the regent urged him to overcome his objections to Perceval, 
and endeavor to serve with him. He said, “ll tell your roy- 
al highness how impossible it is, by a comparison you will at 
once understand ; you might as well ask me to liveswith my 
wife.” He had long been separated from her. ‘The marriage 
with Mademoiselle Roland had been brought about by a 
tricks She had been the mother of his children, Richard, 
John, and Lady C. Bentinck, before he went to India, and 
upon his return she lived for’some time at Apsley House.t 
She was taken ill, and grew so much worse, that, to all ap- 
pearance, she could not last many days. Her confessor per- 
suaded Lord Wellesley that, as she was on her death-bed, he 
ought to enable her to receive the last sacrament of her 
Church by marrying her, which he did. He then went to 
Eton for a week, to be out of the way till all was over, and he 
told the butler to write to him the moment the event took 
place. He received no letter, and after some days returned 
to town. When he saw the butler, he asked when it had 
happened. “Happened!” he said; “ Milady is in the draw- 








* Hyacinthe Gabrielle, daughter of Pierre Roland. Of this connection 
there was no legitimate issue. 

+ On his return from India, Lord Wellesley purchased Apsley House from 
Earl Bathurst, and afterwards sold it to the Duke of Wellington. 


aT. 49, ] CANNING. 363 


ing-room at luncheon, and has been quite well these three 
days; and so she continued for some years; but from that 
time he made her live in a house which he took for her in 
Harley Street. 

The duke prevailed, and Canning became foreign secretary, 
and leader in the House of Commons. He did nothing for © 
the Catholic question, on various pretenses, but in reality be- 
cause he was afraid of setting the king against him, and of 
dividing the Cabinet. But he took a sound and liberal part 
on foreign affairs, and got rid of the embarrassment which 
Castlereagh had left of the Holy Alliance, and generally of 
the numerous Continental intrigues and the aggressive views 
of the foreign courts. This naturally led to a great inclina- 
tion in his favor among the leading Whigs, some of whom 
gave him a very hearty support. He was very sensible of 
this, and I remember his expressing himself strongly on this 
subject to Scarlett, with whom he was intimate, saying to 
him “how grateful he felt to me in particular for the part I 
had taken on the Spanish question.” All recollection of the 
Liverpool contest had long since ceased. We continued on 
the same friendly footing after he became leader in the Com- 
mons, with the exception of a personal conflict soon after he 
took office, and in his measures we almost entirely agreed. 
Our co-operation, indeed, was pretty constant. 

The political death of Lord Liverpool took place in Febru- 
ary, 1827; and Canning was, soon after that event, sent for 
by the king. In the preliminary discussion he had with 
George IV., Canning remained perfectly consistent on the 
question of Catholic emancipation, stating distinctly to the 
king that he should, whether in or out of office, act as regard- 
ed that question precisely as he had hitherto done. He then 
communicated with Peel and Wellington: the latter, after ex- 
pressing for him the greatest consideration, frankly stated he 
should quit the Government, as he could not consent to hold 
office under a minister favorable to the Roman Catholic 
claims. 

It was confidently asserted, and by many believed, that Peel 
had advised the king to intrust to Wellington the construc- 
tion of the new Government. This Wellington expressly 
denied when the explanation of the late ministers was given 


364 STATE OF PARTIES. [1827. 


in the House of Lords, on the 2d of May, 1827. He not only 
denied that the king had ever proposed to him to take the 
Government, but he emphatically expressed his conviction 
that he was unfit for it, concluding with these words—* My 
Lords, I should have been worse than mad if I had thought 
of such a thing.” 

Peel also resigned. He and the others who followed his 
example were greatly abused by many of the high Tory 
party, with whom they got no credit for having resigned be- 
cause of the Catholic question. Their real motives were at- 
tributed to personal hostility to Canning; and, in conse- 
quence, they were much blamed for giving way to such a feel- 
ing, whereby they had opened the door to the admission of 
the Whigs. Wellington’s conduct after Canning’s death, 
when he not only again became commander-in-chief, but ulti- 
mately prime minister, somewhat confirms the view that it 
was more on personal than on public grounds that so many 
members of Castlereagh’s Government had resigned. 

When Wellington, Pecl, Eldon, and the rest of the high 
Tory party, separated from him, Canning soon found that he 
could not hope to carry on the Government without our help. 
A negotiation was then opened with me, and I proposed that 
a coalition should be formed; but as the king’s objection to 
me was probably insurmountable, I said I could at once re- 
move that difficulty by declaring that I would on no account 
take office. Of course political office was out of the question, 
as I could not quit my profession ; but I wrote a letter, to be 
used by Canning with the king, stating that, for particular 
reasons, I declined taking professional office, and should give 
the Government my hearty support upon all ordinary ques- 
tions, hoping that they would not take such a part on Parlia- 
mentary reform and the Irish question as might compel me 
to make any exceptions. This removed all difficulty, and 
Lansdowne, Holland, Tierney, and others took office. Grey 
at first seemed rather disposed to approve; but in a day or 
two, having considered the matter, he declared himself strong- 
ly opposed to any coalition with Canning. Both in his let- 
ters and conversation he expressed the strong feeling he had 
upon what he considered the effect of it in splitting the party. 
This he exceedingly overrated ; and I am persuaded that he 


* 


#7. 49.]_ - CANNING. | 365 


had no personal feeling whatever against those who made, 
and those who approved or availed themselves of it. This is 
manifest, not only from the individuals who did so, such as 
Lambton, whose peerage was the result of it, but from what 
took place at its termination. He had the candor afterwards 
to allow that the junction had entirely broken up the old 
Tory party, and had paved the way to his own government. 
He gave as another reason—and which at the time he consid- 
ered the weightiest—that Lyndhurst had taken the Great 
Seal. But neither he nor the Duke of Bedford could get 
over their objections to Canning, which were of a personal 
nature with the duke, on account of Canning’s attacks upon 
his brother Francis, the late duke; and with Grey they pro- 
ceeded on the old Fox feelings towards him. The duke ac- 
tually gave his proxy to Wellington; and Grey attacked Can- 
ning so severely that he had actually thoughts of taking a 
peerage in order to defend himself.* This animosity con- 
tinued during the whole of the Junction ministry, even after 
Canning’s death, on the part of the duke and Grey. Others, 
not regular members of our party, had equal objections, my 
friend Ellenborough among the rest. He attacked me as the 
author of the Coalition or Junction, and so did Londonderry 
in the Lords and his son in the Commons. I recollect, in de- 
fending myself one Monday, saying that, the day before, I had 
joined in the prayer that the Lords of the Council and art 
THE NOBILITY might be endowed with grace, wisdom, and un- 
derstanding, but that unhappily this petition had been refused, 
for I could not to-day find that all the nobility were gifted 
with wisdom and understanding. 

Some of our best friends, without opposing or even disap- 
proving the Junction ministry, as it was called, kept aloof. 
Of these, Althorpe and Tavistock (now Duke of Bedford) 
were the principal. They said they must take time and watch 
the Government. They acted as watchers, therefore, prevent- 
ing attacks in general, and for the most part satisfied with the 
measures of the ministers. I took my place in what was 
called the Hill-/ort (an East Indian term), on the third bench 
behind the ministerial, in the corner where Pitt used to sit 





* Hansard, New Series, vol. xvii., p. 724, May 10, 1827. 


366 STATE OF PARTIES. [1827. 


while supporting the Addington ministry ; nor did any occa- 
sion but one occur to make me differ with Canning, and that 
was on the disfranchisement of Grampound for corruption, 
when he was defeated by a large majority. 

Among those who, out of doors, were against the Junction, 
was Sydney Smith, who wrote violent letters abusing it, and 
lauding the Duke of Bedford for going against it. But this 
did not prevent him from writing to me, on Goderich succeed- 
ing Canning, to desire promotion. He stated his unquestion- 
able claims upon the Liberal party, and added that what he 
desired was a living of a considerably larger amount than 
Foston, which he then held, or a prebend, the conferring of 
which would be beneficial to us as well as to himself, for it 
would acquit our debt to him, while any thing higher in the 
Church would neither be good for us nor for himself. My 
answer was, that he showed his usual good sense in prefer- 
ring the snugnesses to the fastnesses of the Church; and I 
promised to do my best for him, but the ministry did not last 
long enough to give me the opportunity. It has often been 
said that we should, when in power, have made him a bishop ; 
and Grey is often reported to have declared that his not being 
so made was one of the things he most regretted. But this 
can not be true, for Grey made (besides his brother) one bish- 
op in England and an archbishop in Ireland. As for me, I 
was clear against it. I knew that he would have been for 
some time perfectly decorous and episcopal in the House of * 
Lords, like the cat which was changed into a fine lady, and 
behaved with perfect propriety till a mouse ran across the 
floor, when she intuitively darted after it; so,in the House 
of Lords, our friend Sydney, on something coming across him 
that he could not resist, would have brought our appointment 
into discredit, which, with our feeble position in that House, 
would have been most perilous. However, I helped him all 
I could with my colleagues, and would gladly have given him 
promotion. out of my own patronage if I had had any free 
from party and local claims not to be resisted. I did give him 
a prebend in St. Paul’s, many suitors being set aside for him, 
as it was much run after in consequence of the preferment 
attached to it. He expressed great thankfulness for this. 

On Canning’s death, Goderich (afterwards Ripon) suc- 


£T. 49. ] GODERICH ADMINISTRATION. 367 


ceeded, but on the eve of the session the ministry fell to 
pieces, and was succeeded by the Duke’s, who exercised entire 
control over his colleagues. He felt the necessity of strength- 
ening himself. He gave promotion to some of us—as Aber- 
cromby, who was appointed chief baron in Scotland; Scarlett, 
attorney-general. Huskisson was very indignant at what he 
called Wellington’s attempts to get round us by picking up 
the stragglers. It is to be observed that those who were 
most decided in their support of the Junction greatly la- 
mented the necessity of postponing the Irish question. Plunk. 
et, who took the chief-justiceship, felt this as strongly as any 
one,from his devotion to the question; and his repugnance 
to the postponement could only have been overcome by the 
necessities of the case. The following letter indicates these 
feelings; 





‘Mullingar, August 5, 1827. 

“My prear Broveuam,— Your -friendly note was for- 
warded to me on circuit, where I still am, and shall be for an- 
other week. 

“¥ thank you for your news and your wishes, and rejoice 
sincerely that Canning is not suffering under any indisposi- 
tion, either of his own or of any other person; while he has 
health and favor all will go right. Ireland is at present in a 
state of perfect tranquillity, and without a trace of any ten- 
dency to public disturbance. I have every hope that the Ro- 
man Catholics will remain quiet until the meeting of Parlia- 
ment; at least I need not tell-you that you may rely on my 
using every effort to keep them in a right course. As to my- 
self, it would be affectation to say that I am not disappointed, 
or that I have not strong feelings on the subject; but this 
ought not to interfere, and shall not, with the cordiality of my 
support to Canning and to the whole body of your friends, 
from all of whom I have received every mark of regard and 
kindness, and to whom I am satisfied it would be most unjust 
to attribute any share in whatever course may be taken on 
any subject. When I learn any thing worth telling you, you 
shall have a line from me. Yours always faithfully, 

PLUNKET. 

“Lord M., your friend, has fired a stern-chaser at Govern- 

ment and the solicitor-general.” 


3868 STATH OF PARTIES, [1827. 


TO EARL GREY. 
“‘Durham, August 18, 1827. 

* My pear Lorp Grey,—I can not help writing you a few 
lines upon the change that has lately taken place. Much as 
on all other accounts I regret Canning’s death, it is impossi- 
ble for me to avoid reflecting that it removes the principal 
obstacle to your supporting the Government.. At least this 
is the impression left on my mind by the very disagreeable 
recollections of last session. 

“Of course I do not ask you to declare your feelings and 
opinions upon this subject. But proceeding upon the sup- 
position of my opinion being well founded, I wish to state to 
you what has happened with regard to myself. 

“You are aware that I have uniformly refused political of- 
fice of every kind. I do this both because I can ill afford to 
give up a large and certain for a smaller and precarious in- 
come, and also because I think, in my circumstances, I should 
lower myself in Parliament and the country by accepting any 
place out of my profession. J adhered to this when Canning 
lately pressed me on the subject. 

“As for professional promotion, having declined a judicial 
station, nothing can remain for me except those offices which 
it seems the king will not, from personal objections, hear of 
my holding. I have therefore agreed to support the leader 
of the House of Commons, whoever he may be, wneonnected 
with Government by office of any kind. I have taken this 
resolution upon the intimate persuasion of my help being very 
essential, if not necessary, to the continuance of a Government 
the principles of which I entirely approve as far as they go, 
and hope to see go farther, and prove still better. I do so, 
allow me to add, wholly disinterestedly. From the Govern- 
ment I have received only slight and annoyance in my profes- 
sion. My only prayer was rejected—viz., that all promotion 
should be delayed a year, lest I might lose. JZ have lost mate- 
rially on this circuit by the refusal of that request; and in 
point of honor and personal civility, a man has been put over 
my head, both in professional rank and as attorney-general of 
the duchy, for no other merit but writing a No-Popery pam- 
phlet. As for my real individual interest, I believe no one 


zr. 49.) THE JUNCTION. 369 


can doubt that it is clearly, in the present state of the House 
of Commons, my game to see a weak government, with only 
Peel, whom I néver found very invincible, and myself at the 
head of the Liberal party. But I really do think I do the 
right thing by preferring the anomalous and awkward posi- 

tion on the Hill-Fort; and on this ground I have resolved. 

“ Believe me ever yours truly, H. Broveuam.” 

FROM EARL GREY. 

: *‘Lyneham, near Plymton, August 19, 1827. 

“My pear Brovanam,—Your letter, having come round 
by London, only reached me yesterday. 

“The recollections of the last session are indeed most pain- 
ful, and the more so as the causes of them are, I fear, not like- 
ly soon to be removed. The difference of opinion‘which then 
produced the dissolution of the party in the support of which 
my whole public life had been spent, could not fail to extend 
itself to the consequences of that unfortunate event; and it is 
a matter rather of regret than of surprise that our views of 
what the present state of affairs may require each of us to do 
should not agree. But I will not enter into any discussion, 
which would be useless, as affording little probability of bring- 
ing us nearer together. There is one point, however, in which 
I wish to offer a word in the way of explanation. I certainly, 
from long experience and observation of his conduct, had a 
rooted distrust of Canning; nor was there any thing in the 
manner in which he separated himself from his old colleagues, 
or joined his new ones, that could, as I viewed it, in any de- 
gree diminish that impression. But the impossibility, in 
which I found myself, of supporting the new Government, 
did not arise so much from my personal objections to him as 
from those which I felt to the principle on which the Admin- 
istration was formed. Those objections are rather increased 
than diminished by all I hear of the manner in which the va- 
cancies occasioned by Canning’s death are likely to be sup- 
plied. In proportion as our friends might have obtained a- 
greater share of power and influence, my disposition towards 
the Administration would naturally have become more fayor- 
able; but at present all reasonable grounds for confidence, on 
which I could give my assurance of general support, appear 

Q2 


370 POLITICAL CORRESPONDENCE. [18277. 


to me as much wanting as ever. I must remain, therefore, in 
the same position, supporting such measures as are consistent 
with my principles, and opposing, without any inducement to 
forbearance, whatever may appear to militate against them. 

“T leave this place on the 29th, but as I shall pay some vis- 
its on the road, I shall probably not reach Howick before the 
20th September. If any thing should lead you northward, I 
hope we shall see you, and that our meeting will not be ren- 
dered less pleasant to either of us by our political separation. 

“ Ever yours truly, GREY.” 


TO EARL GREY. . 
‘¢* Brougham, September 1, 1827. 

“My prarn Lorp Grey,—I agree with you generally as to 
Canning not having been a good man to act with, and few 
people know better than myself how incapable he was of giv- 
ing men credit for feelings of magnanimity to which he could 
not reach himself. Still I think he has done, partly by acci- 
dent, partly from merit, very essential service to the good 
cause, and I hope it may not now be thrown away. 

“As for a certain large gentleman, well stricken in years, 
no one trusts him less than I do; and this rage for having 
Herries chancellor of the exchequer is to me full of suspicion, 
especially as all reports unite in a very unpleasant version of 
Herries’s rise to his present circumstances. However, I have 
reason to believe that the ministers have so far resisted the 
king’s wishes lately upon more points than one, as to make 
it extremely doubtful whether the Government will not be 
broken up before this can reach you. 

“Of one thing I am clear—that, whatever part I have 
taken, I must have the admission made to me on all hands of 
having acted from motives without the slightest possible 
tincture of interest; for within six weeks I have refused the 
most easy and secure income for life of £7000 a year, and 
high rank, which I could not take without leaving my friends 
in the House of Commons exposed to the leaders of different 
parties.* Yours ever, H. Brovenam.” 


* The office of Lord Chief Baron of the Exchequer. See this referred to 
ante, p. 348, and post, p. 875. 


ZT. 49.] LORD LANSDOWNE. 371 


FROM LORD LANSDOWNE. 
‘* Bowood, September 6, 1827. 

* Dear BrovugHam,—You are of course satisfied with the 
example of passive obedience and non-resistance I have given, 
as you so strongly recommend it to me, and so generally to 
others. 

“J have as sincere a deference for your judgment as that 
of any man, but I think it right you should know that in the 
last discussions respecting an appointment which I had jirst 
been led to consider as most objectionable, by a statement of 
yours which had been communicated to me, I was met by the 
observation I could not deny, that yow were well known to be 
quite ready to acquiesce in it ; precisely as in the first nego- 
tiation with Canning, in attempting to obtain some security, 
not for personal objects of my own, but for the public, as far 
ds Ireland was concerned, I was met by the statement, pretty 
well founded, that my Whig friends in St. James’s Street were 
zeady to join Government on any terms. 

* These circumstances increase the embarrassment of a po- 
sition otherwise difficult enough. I am willing to hope for 
the public what has been recently done may be for the best. 
For my personal credit and character I must take my chance 
for the present, and take care of it myself for the future. I 
have no right to expect that it should be the concern of 
others. Yours truly, LANSDOWNE.” 


Lansdowne had entirely concurred in the policy of the 
Junction, and testified his approval by holding office for a 
few months under that government. 

There never was a more amiable and virtuous man in any 
party or any political station, than Lord Lansdowne; and I be- 
lieve no man ever went through a long course of party strife 
with so little detriment to his principles and his feelings. He 
possessed great prudence and calmness of judgment, ample in- 
formation, not at all confined to the topics of the day, and was 
as thoroughly honest and humble as aman canbe. His talents 
for business, though he never was long in a department of 
much labor, were very great; his powers of debating equally 
distinguished; and he showed the greatest of all qualities in ris- 


372 POLITICAL CORRESPONDENCE. (1827. 


ing with the occasion; for no man ever led any assembly 
more admirably in all respects—both of temper, judgment, 
readiness, resources in debate, and excellent speaking—than 
he did, when the place of leader devolved upon him in 1846, 
especially during the difficulties of the very laborious session 
which followed. His fault (proceeding from extreme good- 
nature) was a tendency to be sometimes less firm to his own 
opinion than its great value would justify. But his modesty 
was one of his great and amiable qualities. He was chancel- 
lor of the exchequer, with universal applause, at the age of 
five-and-twenty; and when he again took office under the 
Junction Government of 1827, no one could more satisfac- 
torily perform the laborious duties of the Home Depart- 
ment. 

He gave a very important popularity to the Government 
he belonged to, by his constant patronage of artists and learn- 
ed men, and by the hospitalities (from kindness of temper 
somewhat extended, if not rather promiscuous) of Lansdowne 
House. 

He was always a reformer, but of a moderate type; and no 
one could more dislike all quackery and all mob-courting, as 
well as all extreme courses, than he. Ifa very moderate Par- 
liamentary reformer, he was to the end of his life a sincere 
and honest advocate of all useful improvement. 

He always was above the narrow-minded spirit of mere 
party and coterie. But nothing can be more pure and unsul- 
lied than his party honor at all times. 

In 1831 and 1832 he was as staunch with the more promi- 
nent supporters of the bill as any one could desire. I believe 
.I may say (indeed I speak from personal knowledge) that a 
leader of the House of Lords so universally liked and respect- 
ed by all parties never has existed, nor any thing approach- 
ing to it. 

There was no one more averse to the Junction than Lord 
Rosslyn, partly from distrust of Canning, but especially from 
his having made no stipulation for the Catholic question, to 
which he (Rosslyn) always attached the greatest importance, 
having indeed served in Ireland, as attached to Lord Carlisle’s 
government. The following letter is general, and does not 
touch on that subject: 


2T, 50.] LORD ROSSLYN. 373 


“Oct, 20, 1827. 

“My pEAr Brovenam,—I received your letter at Raby, 
where I was disappointed in my expectation of meeting you. 
I communicated to Morland all that related to Cowan, who 
will be much obliged to you for your protection. 

“You are entirely mistaken with respect to Grey and me; 
we are engaged with no Opposition or other political party, 
but disposed to persist in supporting the principles upon 
which we have been acting for so many years, and pursuing 
steadily, as we have done, the great objects to which every 
personal consideration has been sacrificed. 

“Tam exceedingly glad to hear that you are in such con- 
stant and confidential communication with his majesty’s serv- 
ants; for I can not help flattering myself that we shall soon 
see the result of your influence with them, and reap the fruit 
of your power in a decided amendment of their general sys- 
tem of proceeding; for hitherto every appointment that could 
confer power, and every arrangement of the law officers that 
has been thought of, have indicated a feeling most hostile to 
the Catholic question, and adverse to all the expectations 
which were held out when our friends took office. 

“Tf in truth the Administration be cordially united and sin- 
cere in their professions, I trust that Lord Lansdowne’s opin- 
ions may chance sometimes to prevail in their turn. Hither- 
to his part seems to me, uninformed as I am, to have been 
only that of submission without any compensation. I must 
confess that I must look with great doubt to all the declara- 
tions of union and good faith, until I see a powerful addition 
of our friends in Cabinet officers; but I am not sanguine 
enough to hope that these events will be speedily accomplish- 
ed. Yours faithfully, Rossiyn.” 


“Archerfield, Haddington, Oct. 31, 1827. 

“My prar Brovcuam,—I did not receive your letter of 
Friday till last night, and I must confess that it greatly sur- 
prised me; but as you state that your question came entirely 
from yourself and without the least authority, and that both 
it and my answer are to rest between ourselves, I have no hes- 
itation in replying to it with perfect frankness. I have had 
no reason to believe that it has ever been in the contemplation 


374 POLITICAL CORRESPONDENCE. [1827. 


of ministers to offer me the Ordnance, and I have heard from 
various quarters that the same high authority which has ex- 
cluded you from the great offices in your own profession to 
which your talents and influence entitled you to aspire, is no 
less adverse to the admission of Lord Holland into the Cabi- 
net. But be that as it may, I can not bring myself to believe 
that his acceptance of office, if it were offered to him, could 
in any way be influenced by the decision of so inconsiderable 
a person as myself, more especially as we have had no commu- 
nication upon politics, and I know that every thing I have 
said or done since the formation of Canning’s government 
has met with his disapprobation. Had this been suggested 
by any other person, I could not have treated it ‘as serious; 
as it is, I must still remain persuaded that you are mistaken 
in your information. 

“But to answer your question simply and distinctly as it 
relates to myself, I have only to say that I deliberately joined 
with Lord Grey in withholding any declaration of adherence 
or general support to Mr. Canning’s administration; and I 
concurred with him in thinking that the new arrangement 
under which Mr. Huskisson has become its effective leader 
did not bring to it any greater claim to our confidence. Our 
views and reasons have been repeatedly explained to our 
friends, and nothing has occurred materially to change them. 
I therefore can not now abandon Lord Grey, or renounce the 
course and principles to which we have been so long engaged. 
The very circumstance that he appears to have been thrown 
over by many of his friends, is with me an additional motive 
for adhering to him. 

“T am not vain or weak enough to imagine that my single 
support is of any consequence to the Administration; but I 
must be allowed to remark, which I do with great regret, that 
the fears I entertained from the first have been confirmed by 
all the appointments that have taken place under either Cabi- 
net, and especially by the more recent ones. 

“TJ perhaps attach more importance than you are supposed 
to do to the success of the Irish question; but, believing as I 
do that the peace and security of the empire do mainly de- 
pend upon it, it gives me very painful forebodings to observe 
that in every single instance the patronage of Government 


AT. 50.] LORD ROSSLYN. 375 


has been exerted in a manner to support and encourage the 
declared enemies of that cause, and to indicate either the in- 
difference, or, as I believe, the weakness, of its friends. 

“T can not help thinking that the appointment of Hart* is 
as bad as possible, independent of the political and religious 
doctrines he imbibed under Lord Eldon; and I can not but 
consider the speculation upon Plunket’s future chance to be 
altogether visionary. I knew long ago that you had been of- 
fered by Canning to become chief baron; but it was so obvi- 
ously a desire to remove you from all political life, amd—tak- 
ing example, perhaps, from his own acceptance of Portugal 
and India—to bribe you to leave him without a rival in the 
House of Commons, that I never could have conceived you to 
be so devoid of all honest ambition as to submit to be extin- 
guished in that manner. Be assured that I value as I ought 
to do your confidence in me; and that it is with the most 
sincere regret I perceive that the present aspect of political 
affairs presents itself to our two minds in lights so very dif- 
ferent; that while you seem to entertain the most sanguine 
expectations from the ministers, I can not help despairing of 
success in those objects to the pursuit of which our political 
lives have been devoted, and all consideration of personal in- 
terest sacrificed. 

“Tam sure that this disagreement will make no difference in 
our friendship ; and I wish for nothing more earnestly than that 
the result may justify your confidence and prove that I have 
been mistaken. Yours faithfully, Rossiyn.” 





‘* Dysart, December 22, 1827. 3 

“My prar Broveuam,—l have to thank you for two let- 
ters, containing the history of Lord Goderich’s vagary and 
the result of it; and it must be confessed that the whole 
transaction manifests a degree of weakness in him, and of 
want of spirit and energy in his colleagues, sufficient to dis- 
grace and ruin any administration. In these times, however, 
no degree of insufficiency and humiliation seems to disqualify 
men for the conduct of the public interests. The king, as 
you truly say, is nearly absolute; but that he is so is attribu- 


a es eee BF 27 NO RN Me eee TY 
* As Lord-Chancellor of Ireland, 


376 POLITICAL CORRESPONDENCE. [1828. 


table only to the present ministers, and those who have kept 
them in their situations. 

“The king has played his cards and pursued his purpose 
with great ability and firmness, and with a perfect perception 
of the characters of those with whom he has had to deal; and 
he has accordingly formed the most submissive and subservi- 
ent Administration this country has seen for near a century 
and a half. 

“Tt would be idle to indulge the hope of any important 
change in the nature and character of the Government under 
the present ministry, considering the terms upon which they 
took office, and upon which they now submit to hold it after 
their experience of the last eight months. 

“With respect to your remark in the first of these two let- 
ters respecting the ex-ministers, I can only say that I have as 
little opportunity of knowing their intentions or expectations 
as [have of the arrangements or intrigues of their successors; 
but as far as Grey’s name is concerned, you, who know his 
opinions and purposes from his own full explanation of them 
as well as I do, must have been able to contradict any rumors 
affecting him, which you know could only proceed from will- 
ful misrepresentation. 

“T agree with you that the address can hardly be so framed 
as not to make debate and disagreement on the first day un- 
avoidable; and my doubt only arose from feeling the awk- 
wardness of such debate in the absence of the leaders of the 
ministers; and it did not appear to me impossible to adopt 
the course usually followed at the opening of a new parlia- 
ment, and allow time by adjournment, either by command or 
otherwise, to fill up the Commons and give the king’s speech 
a week later. Yours faithfully, Rosstyn. 

“J think Spalding is sure of two steps immediately, if not 
more.” 

TO EARL GREY. 
¢ January, 1828. 

“Goderich went to Windsor yesterday and represented 
that the Government as now constituted could not go on. 
He did not resign (though he really can never be said to 
know accurately this matter). Then Copley went, and then 
returned again with Wellington. What may be the result I 


ZT. 50. ] LORD CLEVELAND. Sia 


know not. Some say Wellesley. I have had no communiea- 
tion with any of them, and shall go on my own way, only tak- 
ing the liberty of giving them such a squeeze when Parlia- 
ment meets as may tend to keep them in mind of there being 
a House of Commons—a thing wholly forgotten nowadays. 
“Yours ever, H. Broveuam. 
“Lansdowne’s at Bowood all the while!!! Call you this 
backing your friends ?” 


Before I left London for the circuit, in consequence of a 
conversation I had with Lord Cleveland I wrote to him thus: 


TO THE MARQUIS OF CLEVELAND. 


i ** Scarthing Moor, Sunday, J uly, 1828. 

“My pear Lorp CLeveranp,—Upon reconsidering the 
account you gave me of.what passed between the chancellor 
and yourself, it has struck me that as he said he wished you 
to mention the matter to me, I ought to let him know, without 
waiting for any further communication, how entirely out of 
the question my taking any promotion is. The only thing 
that prevents me at once writing to this effect is, the absurd- 
ity of refusing a thing before it is offered, and the cireum- 
stance of your having referred him to me upon the whole sub- 
ject. I should wish to know how the matter strikes you, as 
my only desire is to do what is right by all parties, and more 
particularly by yourself. Their measures may be such (at 
least as to Ireland) that we shall approve of, or they may not; 
it is impossible to say beforehand. But any thing like join- 
ing them, and, above all, taking preferment from them (I. 
speak for myself, both from feelings and principles), is wholly 
impossible, as the Government and parties are now consti- 
tuted. If you think that your not having stated this, but re- 
ferred him to me generally, makes it better that I should 
wait till he again comes on the subject, I shall do so. Ifyou 
think I had better write at once, I can merely say, that from 
what you told me I perceived he had misunderstood my 
opinions upon the present state of affairs and parties, and so 
prevent any further discussion as to myself, 

“JT am mending a little, but slowly. 

“ Yours ever most truly, H.. Brovemam.” 


OPENING OF THE [1828. 


09 
~T 
fon) 


TO EARL GREY. 
_“ Brougham, October 4, 1828. 

“My prar Lorp Grry,—Though nothing is or ought to 
be very interesting at present but Ireland, I am sure you will 
be happy to hear how successful the opening of the Universi- 
ty has been. All the accounts I have (and they are daily, 
and from very opposite kinds of men, as Auckland, Lushing- 
ton, Leonard Horner, Loch, etc.) agree in this, that the delight 
of all who have been admitted was perfect : 700 or 800 were 
allowed to attend the opening lectures (including the stu- 
dents), and the rooms and halls were thrown open to them. 
The two first lectures, Bell’s and Dr. Condley’s, have had the 
greatest success! and the entry of students at starting ex- 
ceeds (the medical men say) any thing before known in Lon- 
don, at the opening of a course—namely, 54. The professors 
and all concerned are therefore in the highest spirits, and we 
may consider the medical school as fairly launcled. The 
general department will be much benefited by this success ;_ 
but still l reckon on it being far less speedily in vogue, espe- 
cially the Greek, Latin, and other elementary courses. How- 
ever, all will, I am confident, be right in the end. 

“J wish I could feel as comfortable about Ireland, but I 
own I never saw things in a more gloomy light in that quar- 
ter. It seems plain, too, that there has been a most favorable 
opportunity lost; for the Catholic leaders (priests and all) 
are clearly alarmed, and would be disposed heartily to join in 
pacifying the country. What the Government can mean—or 
whether they have any meaning at all—seems impossible to 
discover. Dawson’s language is stronger in London than it 
was at Derry; yet I hear that every body about the Duke of 
Wellington has been holding higher language against con- 
cession than ever. Can he possibly have made up his mind 
to a civil war? Bishops Doyle and Murray are in London, 
and I am told they represent things as in the most fright- 
ful state. 

“ Yours ever most truly, H. BrovGHam. 

“P.§.—'Three regiments of cavalry, the battalion of Guards, 
and all the disposable force, is collecting from Manchester to 
Liverpool.” 


AT. 51.] LONDON UNIVERSITY. 379 


Lord Grey did not materially differ with Lord Rosslyn, but 
he states his opinion in less detail: 


FROM EARL GREY. 
** Howick, October 7, 1828. 

“My pear Brovenam,—I have received with the greatest 
pleasure your confirmation of the account I had previously 
read in the newspapers of the successful opening of the Lon- 
don University. It must afford the truest satisfaction to 
every body who thinks, as I do, of the public benefit likely to 
arise from such an institution. But to you it must be pecul- 
iarly gratifying, for yow have been the creator of this estab- 
lishment, and your name will be forever united with the im- 
provements which may spring not only from this, but from 
the rival college,* which never would have existed but for the 
success of your exertions. 

“JT entirely agree with you that the state of Ireland must 
be considered as paramount to every other political question. 
Ihave no intimation of any kind as to what are the intentions 
of Government. Referring to what passed during the last 
" session, and looking to the formidable head to which the dan- 
ger has arisen, I should say that it is quite impossible that 
the Duke of Wellington should not be convinced of the ne- 
cessity of settling this question in the only way in which it 
can be settled. Every thing I heard of the language held, 
some time ago, by those who might be considered as afford- 
ing the first indications of his opinions—Arbuthnot, for in- 
stance, Sir Henry Hardinge, Sir George Murray, and even 
Lord Lyndhurst—would lead to the same conclusion. Add 
to this the way in which the places in the Government have 
been filled up or kept vacant; none of the appointments hay- 
ing been anti-Catholic, and all of them seeming to indicate a 
reservation of the means of making a future and more perma- 
nent arrangement. 

“'To this, however, is to be set in opposition the ignorance 
in which we are kept as to the duke’s ultimate views, at a 
time which seems to call for an immediate declaration of 
them. Tis difficulties, no doubt, must be very great with the 





* King’s College in London. 


380 THE WELLINGTON GOVERNMENT. [1828. 


king, the state of whose health must latterly have made any 
decisive explanation impossible. My last account was dated 
Wednesday last. He was then still confined to his bed, where 
he had been for three weeks, not only with gout, but with an 
inflammation on the chest. No alarm was expressed; but 
considering both the subject and the nature of the complaint, 
there must have been ground for anxiety ; and we know, even 
when all uneasiness may have passed away, how readily his 
majesty can avail himself of a plea of this nature to avoid 
any disagreeable discussion. 

“Tn the mean time the proceedings of Lord Anglesey and 
the speech of Dawson must have added to the embarrass- 
ments of the Government, if they had any right measures in 
view, by calling into action all the violence of the high Prot- 
estant party. But a difficulty is not lessened by standing still 
and staring at it; and a difficulty of this nature required the 
most prompt and vigorous measures to counteract it. 

“All this, however, is vague conjecture; and all that I can 
say is, that the time is fast approaching when something 
more satisfactory must be required. We can no longer be 
amused with an uncertain hope that something may be done. 
The evil is beyond the reach of palliatives; and though I 
could not take upon myself the responsibility of rejecting 
any measures of this nature—on the contrary, I should wish 
to give them every possible chance of success—my conviction 
is that they would but ‘skin and film the ulcerous place,’ and 
that the smothered fire would be left to break out at a more 
dangerous season with irresistible force. 

“ You say nothing of your health, which I hope is better. 

“JT am sure you will be sorry to hear that I have lost my 
poor brother at Portsmouth. 

“ Ever yours most truly, GREY. 

“P.S.—I do not mean to throw any blame on Lord Angle- 
sey or Dawson for what they have done, which was right in 
itself; but it must naturally produce the effect I have men- 
tioned while any doubt remained of the course the Govern- 
ment at home intended to take.” 


With the Canning party I of course had less communica- 
tion on this great question, because we had not come fully 


AT, 51.] SIk ALEXANDER BOSWELL. 381 


together, though we approaclied nearer at the end of the 
session than before. During the recess—after the session in 
which Huskisson and the remains of the Canning party had 
left the duke’s government, or been driven out by him—there 
were constant discussions among our friends who had severed 
themselves from the temporary connection with that party, 
though by degrees co-operation against the duke’s govern- 
ment brought us more together than our just indignation at 
their junction with the ministers on their succeeding to Gode- 
rich. The most important subject of our discussions was the 
most important of all that time and of all times before 1829 
—Ireland and the Catholic question. Besides conferring and 
corresponding with Grey, I had frequent communication with 
Rosslyn, my intimacy with whom— which began in 1806, 
when we were in the Portuguese Commission at Lisbon—was 
continued and increased ever after. 

My brother James also became his friend. Ona very mel- 
ancholy occasion he had accompanied him, when he went. out 
as second to Stuart in his duel with Boswell, which arose out 
of the proceedings of the Edinburgh Tory party, some of 
whose leaders had given a bond to save harmless a newspa- 
per (the “ Beacon”) devoted to violent personal attacks, as 
well as political, like papers of the same kind established by 
the king’s friends in England on the loss of their bill against 
the queen. As generally happens, the party violence and the 
personal attacks reached a greater height, and were of longer 
continuance, in provincial places than in the capital; and both 
Edinburgh (in the “ Beacon”) and Glasgow (in the “ Senti- 
nel”) were examples of this. The charge of cowardice was 
brought against Stuart, and he traced to Boswell the author- 
ship of the.song in which it was made, with other scurrilities, 
His unhappy death occasioned the prosecution of Stuart, and 
warrants were issued against him, Rosslyn, and James. I was 
on circuit at Lancaster when Rosslyn passed through, having 
gone to Brougham with Stuart and James; and when I went 
there after the circuit (which was just over), I found that the 
messenger who was in quest of them, both Rosslyn and James, 
was still there, but of course I refused to give him any infor- 
mation as to where they were concealed—they were hidden 
in what was called the Priests Hole: it being, moreover, 


382 THE WELLINGTON GOVERNMENT. [1828. 


quite evident that the whole proceeding was only intended to 
give trouble—that only Stuart was really to be tried, and the 
two others to be called as witnesses; which they were when 
Stuart was tried. He was most triumphantly acquitted, on — 
the ground of the gross provocation he had received, and of 
the perfect fairness of the duel. It is a curious but perfectly 
authentic fact, that till he shot Boswell through the head he 
had never before fired a pistol. , 

Boswell was a very clever man, of violent ultra-Tory preju- 
dices—as might be expected in a son of James Boswell (Boz- 
zy)—and of some eccentricity. Te once called on Sidmouth, 
at the Home Office, when he was secretary of state, and the 
conversation turning on his political songs, he sung one of 
them to Sidmouth. The affair of the duel increased Rosslyn’s 
intimacy with James and his confidence in him, and they had 
much intercourse on party matters ever afterwards. 





In the autumn of 1828, while communicating with Rosslyn, 
I sent him the result of the best consideration I could give 
the case of the Catholic question, and the opinions of Al- 
thorpe, Abercromby, and others, on the subject itself, and on 
the course respecting it which the duke, upon whom every 
thing now depended, was likely to take. The following was 
Rosslyn’s answer, which is very remarkable for the sagacity 
of his views, and equally so for the proof it affords of his act- 
ing in conformity with his settled opinions, when next year he 
joined the duke’s government, after the question had been 
carried by the firmness and temper of that great man: 


‘* Dysart, October 5, 1828. 

“My pear Brovenam,—I am much obliged to you for 
your letter, and the communication of the information and the 
opinions it contained. The whole, including your own judg- 
ment upon this most interesting subject, certainly compre- 
hends the result of the inquiries and the conjectures of the 
greatest authorities upon the question; but, after all, it is 
most painful and alarming to see how very little it amounts to. 

“ The excessive reserve which the Duke of Wellington has 
hitherto maintained, and the apparent ignorance and uncer- 
tainty of those who are supposed to be most in his confidence, 


27. 51.] CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION. 385 


must necessarily excite great distrust and anxiety in all who 
look forward to the dangers of refusing concessions, or even 
of the delay in announcing the disposition to grant them. 
This would not have surprised me, nor have occasioned any 
very great apprehension, if things in Ireland had remained in 
the position in which they were left at the end of the last ses- 
sion ; for with the difficulties with which it was believed that 
he had to contend, as well in the Cabinet as at court, not for- 
getting his adherents in the House of Lords, he would natu- 
rally keep his purpose (if he entertained that of liberal conces- 
sion) secret till he was prepared to carry it into immediate 
execution, more especially as he might have reckoned, with 
good reason, upon the Association’s influence to keep the 
Catholics quiet till the commencement of the session. But 
here I must agree with what you say of Lady Jersey’s lan- 
guage, that Lord Anglesey’s conduct, andshis constant endeay- 
or to obtain a little personal popularity at the expense of the 
Government he was serving, has done infinite mischief, and 
created the greatest embarrassment to the ministers; and if 
to this you add the excitement produced by Dawson’s rash 
speech, which, taken together, have inflamed the Protestants 
to madness, and produced the violent reaction of the Orange- 
men in Ireland and in England, you must sce that the duke’s 
plans and arrangements have been frustrated, and you will not 
wonder at the tone which his friends have taken. The rela- 
tive situation of all parties is materially changed, and a new 
plan of operations must be conceived and digested; but I can 
not from thence argue that the duke will ‘ wait the coming of 
the storm, and suffer himself to be the sport of events which 
he must know it is as much his duty as it is in his power to 
control. I quite agree with Althorpe, that the Brunswick 
clubs will not alter his purpose, or force him into their meas- 
ures, though they most certainly will annoy and embarrass 
him in more ways than one. The influence of the Duke of 
Cumberland, and the supposed indisposition of the king to 
consent to any concessions, though grave obstacles, and very 
much aggravated by the clamor that the Orangemen are rais- 
ing, do not appear to me to be the principal source of the 
duke’s difficulties. I believe that Peel is very impracticable ; 
and before I left town I am sure that his refusal, or expected 


384 THE WELLINGTON GOVERNMENT. [1828. 


refusal, to come into any measures of conciliation, was thus 
felt to be the principal obstacle to the proposal of an arrange- 
ment for Ireland; and I was then much impressed with the 
persuasion (derived from many conversations in quarters that 
had great weight with me) that the duke was then much dis- 
posed to settle the question of Ireland, and was applying his 
thoughts very seriously to the subject. 

“Tf Peel refuses to go on with the duke in a conciliatory 
measure for Ireland, his resignation would overset the Ad- 
ministration in the House of Commons, and force the duke to 
an arrangement entirely new, and that with the king previous- 
ly irritated and excited against it, which must at least lead to 
great confusion and embarrassment. Nevertheless, upon look- 
ing at the whole case in every light in which I can present it 
to my own mind, I am still inclined to give the duke so far 
credit as to believe ‘that it is impossible that he should em- 
bark the country in a civil war with his eyes open to the con- 
sequences; and I think he can hardly be sanguine enough to 
suppose that a general rebellion and war in Ireland, however 
successful the arms of England may be in the end—even if 
the ruin of Ireland and the destruction of a million of lives 
were matters of indifference—can be carried on without the 
interference of France; at first, perhaps, by an offer of media- 
tion, and afterwards by more decisive measures, for which 
the treaty of 8th July forms a happy model. The opportuni- 
ty of humbling Britain and revenging the occupation of Paris 
would be too tempting to be resisted, either by the bigot or 
the democratical party in France. From this I conclude that 
he must feel the urgent and unavoidable necessity of making 
concessions such as he thinks will conciliate. I nevertheless 
can not help fearing that these concessions may be accom- 
panied with conditions and securities that, in the present tem- 
per of Ireland, may lessen their salutary effect, if not de- 
stroy it. Bt: 

“T agree with you in the persuasion that great numbers of 
the rich and influential Catholics, and even many of the priests, 
are so much alarmed at the awful aspect of the power they 
have conjured up, and the evident difficulty of controlling it, 
if any violent provocation be given by the Orangemen, and 
Catholic blood be spilt to any serious extent, that they will be 


AT. 51.] CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION. 385 


glad to catch at any reasonable arrangement, and by their 
means, if the matter be managed with firmness and address, 
the country may be saved, and the more violent spirit kept 
under for the moment. With peace and conciliatory govern- 
ment for a little time the Catholics will be divided, and the 
government may be quietly administered ; but there can be 
no doubt that all hostile proceedings by either faction must 
be instantly controlled by military force. I wish the duke 
may see the importance of taking his measures, and declaring 
his intention with little delay; for much danger will be in- 
curred by loss of time, and I don’t see what he can gain by it. 
But if Iam right in my reasoning and my speculation upon 
his wishes and purposes, we must suppose that he has some 
good and powerful reason for his present inaction; for con- 
sidering his whole conduct and character, I can not bring 
myself to impute it to indecision. I-return Abercromby’s 
letter. Yours faithfully, Rossiyn.” 


TO EARL GREY. 
‘*London, November 15, 1828. 

“My pear Lorp Grey,—I conclude that you have heard 
of Arbuthnot denying to the Duke of Bedford that the Duke 
‘of Wellington was doing or intended to do any thing this ses- 
sion, but would wait for events. Gosh is not the most acute 
of men, and may be wrong in his inferences, or may not have 
been confided in. Certainly others who are about the duke 
say the reverse; and one who sees those persons, and can 
form a very good judgment, and is, moreover, extremely lit- 
tle disposed in Wellington’s favor, assures me he is convinced 
he (Wellington) has got a plan, and has been conversing with 
several on the question, and flatters himself he will be able 
to settle Ireland. Goodwin says he knows nothing is to be 
done. 

“ James Parke is our new judge. University flourishing— 
new shares, 52 since we opened. The law class begins with 


ninety students. Yours ever, 
“WH. BrovaHam.” 


Lord Rosslyn’s strong opinions and warm feelings on the 
Irish question have been adverted to. All through 1828 he 
Vor. II.—R 


\ 


386 THE WELLINGTON GOVERNMENT. [1828. 


and Lord Grey entertained hopes that the Duke would at- 
tempt to carry emancipation, and they were favorably dis- 
posed to a general co-operation with him founded upon that 
ground. The following letters illustrate their feelings on this 
subject: 

** Dysart, Noy. 25, 1828. 

“My prEAR Brovenam,—I thank you very much for your 
letter, and having no correspondent in London upon whose 
authority or information I can entirely depend, I am the more 
thankful for your communication. I have seen Adam, who 
was with the king several times at the cottage and dined with 
him, and his account both of his health and spirits is very fa- 
vorable. I believe him to be well for the present. I quite 
concur with you in thinking Ireland not only the first and 
paramount object of interest and anxiety, but so nearly the 
only one worth immediate notice, that all other questions sink 
into nothing in comparison with it. I should be most happy 
to be able to convince myself that the Duke of Wellington 
had made up his mind to any scheme of conciliation, and was 
prepared to carry his measure of substantial relief into execus 
tion at all hazards; but I can not conquer my fear that the 
difficulties may deter him, more especially when I see the ex- 
travagant folly of O’Connell, who seems to be ready to sacri* 
fice the whole cause, and the peace of both countries, to the 
gratification of his own inordinate vanity. 

“Jt must be confessed, that between the insane bigotry of 
the Brunswickers and Orangemen on one side, and the indis- 
cretion and intemperance of O’Connell on the other, a minis- 
ter has a very hard game to play, especially with his most 
effective colleagues banded against him, and the king adverse. 

“Tf he really commits himself on the one side of Catholic 
relief, he has some right to the support and assistance of those 
who are to benefit by his measures. 

“Upon the friends of the Catholics—or, to speak more cor- 
rectly, those who would make any sacrifice to avoid civil and 
probably in the end foreign war, and to save the empire 
here from utter ruin—I think he may confidently depend ; 
but the present state of his forces in Parliament is far from 
satisfactory, and the obedience of his troops far from certain. 

“Faithfully yours, Rosstyn.” 


AT, 51.] CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION. 387 


All who took office with the duke next year, after he had 
carried the Catholic question, were highly approved of both 
by Grey, Althorpe, and myself, because the duke’s proceed- 
ings, and his wish for our help, were indications of his intend- 
ing to follow the liberal course taken by the Junction Govern- 
ment. Lord Rosslyn was a strong instance of this. Nothing 
could be more hearty than our approval of his accepting the 
Privy Seal, which he would not take until he had an interview 
with Grey, and his entire approval. Lord Fitzwilliam applied 
to the duke direct to keep Scarlett as attorney-general—I be- 
lieve unknown to Scarlett. Darlington and his mgmbers, ex- 
cept my brother and myself, were avowed supporters of the 
duke’s government, and he made through him, once or twice, 
proposals for me to take professional office. The place of 
chief baron had in Canning’s time been pressed upon me. 
When he urged me, saying he had overcome with great diffi- 
culty the king’s objections to me, I said I certainly could not 
think of giving up my profession and my position in the Com- 
mons. But he said, “By taking that you are at the point 
partes ubi se via findit in ambas, and may have either the 
King’s Bench or the Great Seal on a vacancy; but don’t say 
No till you have seen your friend Lyndhurst.” So I saw him 
next day at the private room in Lincoln’s Inn, when he said, 
“ Well, what do you say to Canning’s statement of the divid- 
ing point of the road?” I said, “My answer is, that I should 
be left there without post-horses to carry me on either way ;” 
on which he laughed heartily, and said, “ I have told Canning 
that the proposal was out of the question, and that they must 
be satisfied with your support out of office.” This, however, 
led the duke to make offers through Darlington; and my first 
answer was, that while the Catholic question remained unset- 
tled I could not think of it. Next year, when that difficulty 
was removed, Darlington had a letter from the duke that he 
wanted to see him upon the same subject. Darlington wrote 
to me desiring to know what answer he should give him (the 
Rolls was in question). I received his letter on my way to 
York, and immediately answered it, by begging him not to 
have any interview with the duke; for as I was quite re- 
solved to refuse, I thought it was not fair or honorable in me, 
_ with that resolution taken, to allow a great offer to be made, 


388 THE WELLINGTON GOVERNMENT. [1828. 


merely that I might have the éclat of having refused it. So, 
in accordance with my request, he had at that time no further 
communication with the duke, but he afterwards took an op- 
portunity of telling him how handsomely I had behaved. 


TO EARL GREY. 
“*December 8, 1828. 

“My pear Lorp Grey,—Parnell’s account of Irish affairs 
is certainly as gloomy as canbe. He says that there is hardly 
a part of the country where the people have not been, as it 
were, trained—that is, organized as to turning out and mov- 
ing in bodies, chiefly by the old soldiers, of whom 28,000 
(pensioners) are scattered up and down Ireland. This and 
all the other bad features of the case, he says, are well known 
to Government; and he describes Hardinge (whom he has 
seen) as extremely well informed on the nature and extent of 
the danger, which, I take it, includes some considerable un- 
certainty as to the Roman Catholics among the soldiers, 

“His (Parnell’s) belief is that some measure will be tried, 
and is in agitation, and that all these conferences with bishops 
and archbishops mean this. In fact, if the Duke of Welling- 
ton intends doing any thing, they are the very gentry he 
would begin with, because of the expediency of finding what. 
securities, etc., they would require. He (Parnell) agrees, how- 
ever, as to the necessity of keeping no terms, if either nothing 
or as bad as nothing is done. 

“The accounts are various of what is to be tried. Some 
say the whole measure with the wing; others the whole ex- 
cept Parliament (!!!), with the same wing; others, this frac- 
tion without the wing.* To be sure, if Parliament is to be 
cut out of it, there is no great matter whether they add the 
wing or not. Others, again, say Parliament, but not offices. 
I suppose no one can doubt that it is not to be treated as 
emancipation at all, or as amounting to any thing like it, if 
Parliament be not a part of it. But I should feel much great- 
er difficulty if either the whole, or even Parliament without 
offices, were offered clogged with the 40s. wing. I opposed 


* The bill disfranchising the 40s. freeholders. This and the bill for sup- 
pressing the Catholic Association were popularly called ‘‘'The Wings.” 


tT, 51.] CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION. 389 


that wing with you in 1825, and assuredly what has since 
happened greatly increases the objections to it, insomuch that 
many who were for it then are clearly against it now. Nev- 
ertheless it would be a very alarming thing to take upon one’s 
self any part, however small, of the responsibility of rejecting 
the emancipation, or what might be substantially the eman- 
cipation, though coupled with a measure of a most unconcil- 
iatory nature. If the wing were kept separate from the main 
measure, the course would be easy; but suppose it part of the 
bill, and you oppose it in the committee, and then are beaten, 
and then have to vote for or against both on the report and 
third reading: that is the difficulty. 

“You have seen Denman’s rank mentioned. The Duke of 
Wellington behaved throughout most admirably in it; and, 
to give the king his due, he behaved as well as possible in 
the peculiar circumstances, which were these: Denman was 
informed last summer that the king had been told and be- 
lieved that his speech (I suppose the quotation) was meant as 
a personal charge against him. Denman felt naturally very 
indignant at such an imputation as this gross misconstruction 
conveyed against him (Denman), and called on Copley to vin- 
dicate him from it—he having heard the speech. He found 
it necessary to state what he had to say in a memorial in his 
own justification; and finding Copley much too slow in the 
matter, he asked to see the Duke of Wellington, who under- 
took it in a very fair and handsome manner.* This was late 
in July. The king’s illness delayed the settlement of it, and 
a further delay took place because the king said he must 
write what he had to say with his own hand. As soon as he 
was able he did so, and Wellington and Copley read it to 
Denman when he went to them last Sunday. It alluded gen- 
erally to the misunderstanding of his quotation, and among 
other things (which I think very gallant) took the whole 
blame on himself, exonerating Eldon as well as Copley by 
name, and stating that he had expressly forbidden them ever 


* The allusion here is to Denman quoting at length from Tacitus (Annal. 
xiv., 23), the denunciation of the conduct of Nero to Octavia.—See the Pro- 
ceedings in the Bill of Pains and Penalties, 24th October, 1820; Hansard, 

1088. 


390 THE WELLINGTON GOVERNMENT. [1829. 


to mention Denman to him. It is fair to say that if the 
king labored under such a belief or even suspicion, he was 
in a predicament in which men seldom reason or even think 
at all. aoa 
“But it will be very strange if after this (the most difficult 
of all subjects to come near) the duke should find any thing 
insuperable in the objections to Wilson. 

“ You might observe a mysterious statement in the ‘ Times,’ 
as if from authority, about the king having come round on 
the Catholic question. Nobody seems to understand how far 
this is correct; but certainly if he is to be brought round, it: 
ought to be tried before the Duke of Cumberland comes, who 
is fuller of spirits and all mischief than ever, and says he will 
come if he lives in a coffee-house. In fact, he wants to start 
for the regency under the Orange colors—making the Bruns- 
wick clubs his handle for the purpose of setting himself up 
with the country. Yours ever, : 

“H. Broucuam. 

“An odd story is talked of, that Bishop Sumner urged the 
king to forgiveness of enemies when he gave the sacrament.” 


*¢ Tancaster, March 28, 1829. 

“My pear Lorp Grey,—I agree with all you say as to the 
unpalatable nature of the 40s--bill. The more it is considered, 
the more clearly does one see that there can be but one rea- 
son for swallowing it—viz., the extreme pressure of the ne- 
cessity for the other, and the impossibility of getting it with- 
out paying that price, though I admit this is rather a clumsy 
and unconstitutional view. I really look upon the carrying 
of the question to be not merely necessary for Ireland, but of 
the utmost importance in breaking up the long reign of big- 
otry and Toryism in England. 

“Ag for the duke not dismissing people, it is a risk he ex- 
poses the measure to; but he really is so much in earnest, 
and entirely committed with us to carry it, and has behaved 
generally so well and firmly upon it throughout, that we 
ought to trust him for knowing good reasons why. In fact, 
I have little doubt that there are difficulties of a peculiar na- 
ture at Windsor, and should not wonder if there were symp- 
toms of disease. Surely,if that be the case, almost any thing 


HT. 51.] CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION. 391 


should be put up with to have the bill carried speedily. The 
feeling of the country, where said to be against the question, 
is most grossly exaggerated. That I see new proofs of every 
day, talking to persons of credit from different parts of Lan- 
cashire and Cheshire. Yours ever, 

“H. Broucuam.” 


NOTE 


TO 


SECOND EDITION OF VOLUME I. 





Many inquiries having been made as to the dates at which these Memoirs 
were written, the following memorandum on the subject is supplied by the 
present Lord Brougham : 


‘‘On Saturday, 5th October, 1861, Lord Brougham, then in his eighty- 
fourth year (for he was eighty-three on the 19th September, 1861), began 
with me, at Brougham, to look out all the letters and papers relating to the 
Princess Charlotte, the Princess of Wales, and the Queen's Trial. On TuEs- 
pay, 8ru Ocroser, he began to write upon that subject. 

‘*On Thursday, the 17th, the narrative of the Trial, and all that related to 
his connection with the Princess of Wales and her daughter, was sketched ont. 

‘‘On the 29th November we went to Cannes, taking with us all letters and 
papers, which were there copied and arranged with the narrative. 

“In September, 1862, he began, while at Brougham, the Political part, 7. e., 
Canning and his government, Lord Grey and his government, and so on to 
the end of 1834. 

‘“When we went to Cannes, in November, 1862, all Lord Grey’s letters 
were taken, and from these he made selections. In the autumn of 1863, 
when at Brougham, he completed this part, by the addition of his own nar- 
rative, and letters—letters which he had before that time received from Lady 
Grey, Lord Grey’s widow, and without which he could have done nothing. 

‘*Up to this time he had not written one word of his Early Life; but on 
being strongly urged to attempt this, both by Mr. Elwin (then editor of the 
‘Quarterly’) and myself, he began in November, 1863, and, in a search he 
then made for early materials, he found the MS. of Memnon. This he 
marked in pencil on the first page, thus: ‘At B m (Brougham), 1792.’ 
He believed he had composed it, entirely forgetting that it was only a transla- 
tion, probably a task set him by his tutor—a very pardonable mistake after a 
lapse of seventy years. He continued to write at this part of his Early Life, 
from time to time, TILL NovemBer, 1867. 


“Brougham, March, 1871.” 

















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